Latin and Indo-European
- LAST MODIFIED: 26 July 2022
- DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195389661-0384
- LAST MODIFIED: 26 July 2022
- DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195389661-0384
Introduction
Latin is part of the language family termed “Indo-European.” Historical and comparative grammar aims at reconstructing at least some aspects of the unattested Proto-Indo-European language (phonology, morphology, a part of the lexicon). Indo-European studies may help the classicist to understand the historical development and the meaning of many words of the Latin vocabulary. In some favorable cases, etymological considerations underpinned by a careful methodology may allow a better knowledge of Roman realia, institutions, and theonyms. Indo-European linguistics is also a useful tool to elucidate archaisms preserved in the oldest epigraphical records and in pre-Classical Literary Latin.
Handbooks
Recent handbooks include Weiss 2020, Sihler 1995, and Meiser 1998. Leumann 1977 and Sommer and Pfister 1977 are still indispensable. Clackson and Horrocks 2007 and Meillet 1928 provide introductions to the field.
Clackson, James, and Geoffrey Horrocks. 2007. Blackwell history of the Latin language. Oxford and Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
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Useful introductory handbook. Does not focus exclusively on Indo-European reconstruction.
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Leumann, Manu. 1977. Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre. Munich: Beck.
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Very good handbook for its time and still quite authoritative. One of the most influential works in the field.
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Meillet, Antoine. 1928. Esquisse d’une histoire de la langue latine. Paris: Hachette.
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Classic introductory handbook. Still valuable. Several re-editions.
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Meiser, Gerhard. 1998. Historische Laut- und Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
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An accessible introduction in German. Clearly presented.
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Sihler, Andrew L. 1995. New comparative grammar of Greek and Latin. New York and Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
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Treats both Greek and Latin. Very useful for a beginner despite the lack of bibliography.
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Sommer, Ferdinand, and Raimund Pfister. 1977. Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre: Eine Einführung in das sprachwissenschaftliche Studium des Lateins. Heidelberg, Germany: Winter.
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Important collection of data, providing a safe philological basis for the study of the historical phonology of Latin.
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Weiss, Michael. 2020. Outline of the historical and comparative grammar of Latin. 2d ed. Ann Arbor, MI: Beech Stave Press.
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An up-to-date and reliable historical grammar of Latin, originally published in 2009. The data are presented in a user-friendly format. Rich bibliography. The opening pages of the book offer an interesting development on the “discovery” of the Indo-European language family and the history of Indo-European scholarship.
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Collections of Papers and Selected Writings
Collections of papers that are of interest for the Indo-European background of Latin include Klein, et al. 2017 and Hisatsugi 2021. The Selected Writings of various scholars, such as Christol 2008, Cowgill 2006, Flobert 2014, Garnier 2017, Lejeune 2018, and Rix 2001, contain several papers devoted to the reconstruction of the Indo-European prehistory of Latin lexemes and grammemes.
Christol, Alain. 2008. Des mots et des mythes. Mont-Saint-Aignan, France: Publications des Universités de Rouen et du Havre.
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Some articles deal with the historical grammar of Latin from an Indo-European perspective.
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Cowgill, Warren. 2006. The collected writings of Warren Cowgill. Edited by Jared S. Klein. Ann Arbor, MI: Beech Stave Press.
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Some important articles are concerned with the Indo-European prehistory of Latin.
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Flobert, Pierre.2014. Grammaire comparée et variétés du latin: Articles revus et mis à jour (1964–2012). Geneva, Switzerland: Droz.
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A reworked version of papers dealing with the historical grammar of Latin. Well-documented case studies.
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Garnier, Romain. 2017. Scripta Selecta: Études d’étymologie indo-européenne. Les Cent Chemins.
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Many papers are devoted to the reconstruction of the Indo-European prehistory of Latin lexemes and grammemes.
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Hisatsugi, Satoko. 2021. Die italischen Sprachen. Hamburg, Germany: Baar.
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This collection of papers contains articles dealing with specific questions about the historical morphology and phonology of Latin and Sabellic.
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Klein, Jared, Brian Joseph, Matthias Fritz, and Mark Wenthe, eds. 2017. Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science 41.2. Berlin and Boston: De Gruyter.
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Several papers of this volume deal with Italic matters. Useful collection, but the quality of these short essays is uneven.
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Lejeune, Michel. 2018. Mediterranei orbis gentium linguae et scripturae: Recueil des écrits. Edited by Dominique Briquel, Laurent Dubois, Pierre-Yves Lambert, Paolo Poccetti, and Stephane Verger. Pisa and Rome: Fabrizio Serra.
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Selected writings of Michel Lejeune, a major scholar in the field of Italic philology. Some articles deal with the early history and the prehistory of Latin.
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Rix, Helmut. 2001. Kleine Schriften: Festgabe für Helmut Rix zum 75. Geburtstag. Edited by Gerhard Meiser. Bremen, Germany: Hempen.
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Selected writings of Helmut Rix, a leading scholar in Italic linguistics. Several papers deal with the Indo-European prehistory of Latin.
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Dialectal Position of Latin
There is considerable dispute about the precise relationships between Latin and other languages or groups of languages. The issue is tackled by Weiss 2012 (Italic and Celtic), de Bernardo Stempel 2000 (Latin, Sabellic, and Venetic), and Campanile 1968 (general remarks on the dialectal position of Latin).
Campanile, Enrico. 1968. Studi sulla posizione dialettale del latino. Studi e Saggi Linguistici 8:16–130.
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Remarks on the dialectal position of Latin.
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de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia. 2000. Kernitalisch, Latein, Venetisch: Ein Etappenmodell. In 125 Jahre Indogermanistik in Graz. Edited by Michaela Ofitsch and Christian Zinko, 47–70. Graz, Austria: Leykam.
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The linguistic relationship between Latin, Sabellic and Venetic.
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Weiss, Michael. 2012. Italo-Celtica: Linguistic and cultural points of contact between Italic and Celtic. In Proceedings of the 23rd Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Edited by Stéphanie W. Jamison, H. Craig Melchert, and Brent Vine, 151–173. Bremen, Germany: Hempen.
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The linguistic relationship between Italic and Celtic.
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Historical Phonology of Latin
The sound changes may be ordered chronologically (at least approximately): Indo-European sound changes (Lamberterie 1996, Machajdíková 2013, Nussbaum 1997), Proto-Italic sound changes (Höfler 2017, Nishimura 2018, Schrijver 1991, Vine 2006), Pre-Latin sound changes (Eichner 1992, Frotscher 2012, Jasanoff 2004, Martzloff 2019, Stuart-Smith 2004, Willi 2012, Zair 2017), Inner-Latin sound changes (Götze 1923, Hackstein 2011, Lipp 2021, Machajdíková and Eliášová Buzássyová 2021, Machajdíková and Martzloff 2018, Nishimura 2010, Nishimura 2014, Onishi 2018).
Latin and Indo-European Sound Changes
Papers dealing with the Latin reflexes of (Proto-)Indo-European sound changes, especially early cases of deletion of laryngeals, include Nussbaum 1997, Machajdíková 2013 (both on the “Saussure Effect”), and Lamberterie 1996 (Lubotsky’s Law).
Lamberterie, Charles de. 1996. Latin pignus et la théorie glottalique. In Aspects of Latin: Papers from the Seventh International Colloquium on Latin Linguitics, Jerusalem, April 1993. Edited by Hannah Rosén, 135–152. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
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Lamberterie tries to establish an early deletion rule for a laryngeal standing before media + consonant: pīgnus < *pegn- < *peh2g-n-. According to this scholar, the laryngeal was lost without coloring effect.
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Machajdíková, Barbora. 2013. Sollum Osce totum et solidum significat. Úloha Festových glos v poznaní latinskej a italickej lexiky a jeho prínos k problematike “Saussurovho efektu.” Sambucus 9:26–42.
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Discusses dialectal glosses in which the “Saussure Effect” may have operated.
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Nussbaum, Alan J. 1997. The “Saussure Effect” in Latin and Italic. In Sound law and analogy: Papers in honor of Robert S.P. Beekes on the occasion of his 60th birthday. Edited by Alexander Lubotsky, 182–203. Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi.
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Nussbaum discusses Latin words (such as Lat. Collis, “hill”) suggesting that an interconsonantal laryngeal was deleted in the neighborhood of an o-grade.
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Latin and Proto-Italic Sound Changes
Publications dealing with Proto-Italic (or Pre-Proto-Italic) sound changes include Schrijver 1991 (treatments of the laryngeals), Vine 2006 (Thurneysen-Havet’s Law), Vine 2012, Nishimura 2018, and Höfler 2017 (phonological rules possibly sensitive to the position of the PIE mobile accent).
Höfler, Stefan. 2017. Observations on the palma rule. Pallas 103:15–23.
DOI: 10.4000/pallas.4017Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
The development of interconsonantal sequences of syllablic resonant + laryngeal was sensitive to the position of the PIE mobile accent.
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Nishimura, Kanehiro. 2018. The humī-rule in Italic. In Vina diem celebrent: Studies in linguistics and philology in honor of Brent Vine. Edited by Dieter Gunkel, Stephanie W. Jamison, Angelo O. Mercado, and Kazuhiko Yoshida, 276–287. Ann Arbor, MI: Beech Stave Press.
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The treatment of *Cm̥V may be sensitive to the position of the PIE mobile accent.
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Schrijver, Peter. 1991. The reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Latin. Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi.
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Comprehensively discusses the phonological treatments of PIE laryngeals in Latin. Even though there is no general agreement among comparativists about the validity of some analyses, the rich collection of data provided by Schrijver offers a very useful basis for further research.
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Vine, Brent. 2006. On “Thurneysen-Havet’s Law” in Latin and Italic. Historische Sprachforschung 119:211–249.
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Vine argues that the change *-owV- > -awV- (V = vowel) depended on the position of the PIE mobile accent.
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Vine, Brent. 2012. PIE mobile accent in Italic: Further evidence. In The sound of Indo-European: Phonetics, phonemics, and morphophonemics. Edited by Benedicte Nielsen Whitehead, Thomas Olander, Birgit Anette Olsen, and Jens Elmegård Rasmussen, 545–575. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.
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Vine posits a rule whereby unaccented *e (according to the position of the PIE mobile accent) was raised to *i before a heterosyllabic yod.
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Pre-Latin Sound Changes
Useful publications dealing with pre-Latin sound changes include Eichner 1992 (diachronic phonology); Stuart-Smith 2004 (treatments of PIE aspirate stops); Willi 2012 (Thurneysen’s Law); Frotscher 2012, Zair 2017, and Martzloff 2019 (r sonans, l sonans); and Jasanoff 2004 (Lachmann’s Law).
Eichner, Heiner. 1992. Indogermanisches Phonemsystem und lateinische Lautgeschichte. In Latein und Indogermanisch: Akten des Kolloquiums der indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Salzburg, 23.–26. September 1986. Edited by Oswald Panagl andThomas Krisch, 55–85. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
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Selection of issues in diachronic phonology (consonants, vocalism).
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Frotscher, Michael. 2012. The fate of PIE final *-r̥ in Vedic and Latin. In The sound of Indo-European: Phonetics, phonemics, and morphophonemics. Edited by Benedicte Nielsen Whitehead, Thomas Olander, Birgit Anette Olsen, and Jens Elmegård Rasmussen, 73–96. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.
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Treatments of r sonans in final position (iecur, “liver”; ūber, “udder”).
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Jasanoff, Jay H. 2004. Plus ça change . . . : Lachmann’s Law in Latin. In Indo-European perspectives: Studies in honour of Anna Morpurgo Davies. Edited by J. H. W. Penney, 405–416. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
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Excellent discussion of Lachmann’s Law, both for Indo-European studies and for theoretical linguistics.
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Martzloff, Vincent. 2019. La malédiction osque de Capoue à l’encontre de pakis kluvatiis (ST Cp 37, Vetter 6, Audollent 193): Considérations phraséologiques, morpho-syntaxiques et phonologiques. Wékʷos 5:263–340.
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Treatments of r/l sonans in Latin and Sabellic.
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Stuart-Smith, Jane. 2004. Phonetics and philology: Sound change in Italic. New York and Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257737.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Provides a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the different outcomes of PIE aspirate stops in Latin, Faliscan, and Sabellic.
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Willi, Andreas. 2012. Lateinisch scīre und Verwandtes. Glotta 88:253–272.
DOI: 10.13109/glot.2012.88.14.253Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Material relevant for Thurneysen’s Law (ū > ī in front of yod).
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Zair, Nicholas. 2017. The origins of -urC- for expected -orC- in Latin. Glotta 93:255–289.
DOI: 10.13109/glot.2017.93.1.255Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Treatments of r/l sonans in Latin and Sabellic. Etymological discussion of many Latin lexemes.
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Inner-Latin Sound Changes
Publications dealing with inner-Latin sound changes include Götze 1923 (relative chronology), Nishimura 2014 (accent in Latin and Sabellic), Nishimura 2010 (vowel reduction in Latin), Lipp 2021 and Machajdíková and Eliášová Buzássyová 2021 (vowel syncope and related problems), Hackstein 2011 (noundinum rule), and Onishi 2018 and Machajdíková and Martzloff 2018 (various topics of Latin historical phonology).
Götze, Albrecht. 1923. Relative Chronologie von Lauterscheinungen im Italischen. Indogermanische Forschungen 41:78–149.
DOI: 10.1515/if-1923-0105Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Seminal work on the relative chronology of sound changes in Latin.
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Hackstein, Olav. 2011. Lateinisch nūntius. Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 65:105–121.
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Treatments of *-owVC(C), *-awVC(C).
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Lipp, Reiner. 2021. The medial syllable syncope in the South Picene inscriptions. In Studies in general and historical linguistics offered to Jón Axel Harðason on the occasion of his 65th birthday. Edited by Matteo Tarsi, 269–328. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
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The paper contains many remarks on the process of syncope in Latin and is directly relevant for the reconstruction of Latin word forms. Rich bibliography.
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Machajdíková, Barbora, and Ľudmila Eliášová Buzássyová. 2021. Vowel deletion before sibilant-stop clusters in Latin: Issues of syllabification, lexicon and diachrony. Journal of Latin Linguistics 20.2: 191–237.
DOI: 10.1515/joll-2021-2005Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
The study focuses on the syncope of a short vowel in front of a cluster *sC(C). The paper also includes an up-to-date treatment of the noundinum rule and an etymological discussion of various Latin items (e.g., Latin audiō, brūma, fenestra, iūdex, iūglāns, miscellus, oboediō).
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Machajdíková, Barbora, and Vincent Martzloff. 2018. L’équivalence entre osque ueia et latin plaustrum chez Paul Diacre, les formes ueham, uellam (Varron) et uegeiia (mosaïque d’Althiburos). Graecolatina et Orientalia 39–40:47–94.
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The authors discuss several issues of Latin historical phonology (monophthongization *au > ō, dissimilation *r . . . r > l . . . r, deletion of a vowel before s + obstruent).
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Nishimura, Kanehiro. 2010. Patterns of vowel reduction in Latin: Phonetics and phonology. Historische Sprachforschung 123:217–257.
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The work contains important remarks on vowel reduction in Latin.
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Nishimura, Kanehiro. 2014. On accent in the Italic languages: Nature, position, and history. Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 131:161–192.
DOI: 10.4467/20834624SL.14.009.2017Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Nishimura has reconfirmed the necessity of positing the initial-stress theory for early Latin (and for the Sabellic languages). Important comments on vowel reduction and syncope in Latin. Very rich bibliography.
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Onishi, Teigo. 2018. Latin hībernus and the development of *(-)mr- in Latin. In Proceedings of the 29th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Edited by David M. Goldstein, Stephanie W. Jamison, and Brent Vine, 203–221. Bremen, Germany: Hempen.
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Discusses several issues of Latin historical phonology.
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Nominal Morphology
The study of Latin nominal morphology may be divided conveniently into three headings, Latin Nominal Inflection, Latin Nominal Formation, and Latin Nominal Compounds. Indo-European linguistics has proven to be enlightening in each case.
Latin Nominal Inflection
Readers are referred to Meiser 1998 and Weiss 2020, both cited under Handbooks. Important overviews include Klingenschmitt 1992 and Gerschner 2002. Specific studies include Piwowarczyk 2019 (Latin –iēs/-ia inflection), Morani 2015 (genitive singular in -osio) Pinault 2019 (genitive plural ending), and Eichner 1985 (plurals such as locus/loca).
Eichner, Heiner. 1985. Das Problem des Ansatzes eines urindogermanischen Numerus “Kollektiv” (“Komprehensiv”). In Grammatische Kategorien: Funktion und Geschichte; Akten der VII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Berlin, 20.‑25. Februar 1983. Edited by Bernfried Schlerath and Veronica Rittner, 134–169. Wiesbaden, Germany: Reichert.
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Seminal remarks on the plurals such as locus/loca.
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Gerschner, Robert. 2002. Die Deklination der Nomina bei Plautus. Heidelberg, Germany: Winter.
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Discusses the prehistory of the Latin declensions.
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Klingenschmitt, Gert. 1992. Die lateinische Nominalflexion. In Latein und Indogermanisch: Akten des Kolloquiums der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Salzburg, 23.–26. September 1986. Edited by Oswald Panagl and Thomas Krisch, 89–135. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
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This seminal work investigates the prehistory of the Latin declensions. Important discussion of the genitive ending -ī of o-stems.
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Morani, Moreno. 2015. È latino il genitivo in -osyo? In Latin linguistics in the early 21st century: Acts of the 16th International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics, Uppsala, June 6th–11th, 2011. Edited by Gerd V. M. Haverling, 47–58. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis.
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Remarks on the genitive ending -osio.
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Pinault, Georges-Jean. 2019. Latin sacrōsanctus, le génitif pluriel et le morphème indo-européen *-eh3‑. In Nemo par eloquentia, Mélanges de linguistique ancienne en hommage à Colette Bodelot. Edited by Martin Taillade, Julie Gallego, Fabienne Fatello, and Guillaume Gibert, 47–60. Clermont-Ferrand, France: Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal.
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New account of the genitive plural ending.
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Piwowarczyk, Dariusz R. 2019. The Latin -iēs/-ia inflection—Synchronic evidence and diachronic origin. Kraków: Jagiellonian Univ. Press.
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Discusses the inflectional type māteriēs/māteria.
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Latin Nominal Formation
Readers are referred to Leumann 1977 and Weiss 2020, both cited under Handbooks, for an overview of the formation of nouns and adjectives in Latin. Scholars have paid attention to various Latin suffixes, e.g., Brachet 2012 (on -bilis), Nussbaum 1999 and Balles 2009 (on -idus), Perrot 1961 (on -men and -mentum), Serbat 1975 (on -trum, -bulum), Biville 1987 (words in -(s)trum), Pinault 2002 (on -āgō, -īgō, -ūgō), and Vine 2002 (*-ro-formations). Reduplicated nouns are the subject of a detailed study, André 1978.
André, Jacques. 1978. Les mots à redoublement en latin, Paris: Klincksieck.
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This classic study investigates the form and function of reduplication in Latin nouns.
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Balles, Irene. 2009. Zu den i-stämmigen Adjektiven des Lateinischen. In Protolanguage and prehistory: Akten der XII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, vom 11. bis 15. Oktober 2004 in Krakau. Edited by Rosemarie Lühr and Sabine Ziegler, 1–25. Wiesbaden, Germany: Reichert.
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Discusses i-stem adjectives in Latin.
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Biville, Frédérique. 1987. Capistrum, feretrum, angistrum, etc.: Emprunts, hybrides et formations héritées, à propos des dérivés médiatifs latins et grecs en ‑trum. In Études de linguistique générale et de linguistique latine offertes en hommage à Guy Serbat par ses collègues et ses élèves. Edited by Sylvie Mellet, 67–82. Paris: Société pour l’Information Grammaticale.
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Methodologicaly interesting remarks on forms descriptively containing the suffix -trum.
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Brachet, Jean-Paul. 2012. Sur la formation du suffixe -bilis: Étude morphologique et sémantique. Latomus 71:649–667.
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Diachronic account of the suffix -bilis.
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Nussbaum, Alan. 1999. *Jocidus: An account of the Latin adjectives in ‑idus. In Compositiones Indogermanicae in memoriam Jochem Schindler. Edited by Heiner Eichner and Hans Christian Luschützky, 377–419. Prague: Enigma Corporation.
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Seminal study. The suffix -idus is traced back to *-idʰo-s.
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Perrot, Jean. 1961. Les dérivés latins en ‑men et ‑mentum. Paris: Klincksieck.
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Latin suffixes -men, -mentum.
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Pinault, Georges-Jean. 2002. Le type latin uorāgō: Un reflet d’un suffixe indo-européen. Glotta 77:85–109.
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Pinault argues that Latin derivatives with the suffixes -āgō, -īgō, -ūgō contain the possessive suffix *-h3on-, which was attached to action nouns and collectives ending in *-k-.
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Serbat, Guy. 1975. Les dérivés nominaux latins à suffixe médiatif. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
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Suffixes *-tro-, *-tlo-, *-dʰro-, *-dʰlo-.
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Vine, Brent. 2002. On full-grade *‑ro‑formations in Greek and Indo‑European. In Indo-European perspectives. Edited by Mark R. V. Southern, 329–350. Washington, DC: Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph.
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Root vocalism of *‑ro‑formations.
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Latin Nominal Compounds
Classic treatments of nominal compounding in Latin are Bader 1962 and Lindner 2002. More specific studies include Benedetti 1988, Brachet 2013, Brachet 2017 and Dunkel 2000.
Bader, Françoise. 1962. La formation des composés nominaux du latin. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
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A classic account of Latin nominal compounds.
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Benedetti, Marina. 1988. I Composti radicali latini: Esame storico e comparativo. Pisa, Italy: Giardini.
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Very valuable presentation of compounds like auspex, princeps.
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Brachet, Jean-Paul. 2013. La racine verbale *dʰeh1- “verbe support”: De l’indo-européen aux prolongements latins. Revue de Philologie, de Littérature et d’Histoire Anciennes 87.2: 15–36.
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Discusses several Latin forms which arose by univerbation of a verbal phrase containing the root *dʰeh1‑.
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Brachet, Jean-Paul. 2017. Note sur la formation du substantif artifex. In Histoires de mots: Études de linguistique latine et de linguistique générale offertes en hommage à Michèle Fruyt. Edited by Pedro Duarte, Frédérique Fleck, Peggy Lecaudé, and Aude Morel, 145–153. Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne.
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Morphological and semantic remarks on artifex.
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Dunkel, George E. 2000. Latin verbs in -igāre and -īgāre. In 125 Jahre Indogermanistik in Graz. Edited by Michaela Ofitsch and Christian Zinko, 87–99. Graz, Austria: Leykam.
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Morphological and phonological investigations on the Latin verbs in -igāre and -īgāre.
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Lindner, Thomas. 2002. Lateinische Komposita: Morphologische, historische und lexikalische Studien. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck.
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Philological, etymological, and morphological studies in Latin compounds. Useful bibliography.
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Verbal Morphology
The historical study of Latin verbal morphology may be divided into four headings: Latin Present Stems, Latin Perfect Stems, Archaic Forms of the Verb, and Nonfinite Forms of the Verb.
Latin Present Stems
Numerous publications are devoted to the Proto-Indo-European background and the derivational prehistory of verb classes or individual verbs. García Castillero 2000 and Bock 2008 give a general overview. Steinbauer 1989 and Mignot 1969 treat the Latin denominative verbs. Important specific studies include Rix 1999, de Vaan 2012, García–Ramón 1996, Kölligan 2007, and Simon 2008.
Bock, Bettina. 2008. Die einfach thematischen Präsentien in der dritten Konjugation des Lateinischen. Graz, Austria: Leykam.
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Examination of the Latin third conjugation (legō), synchrony, and diachrony.
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de Vaan, Michiel. 2012. Latin deverbal presents in -ā-. In The Indo-European verb: Proceedings of the Conference of the Society for Indo-European Studies, Los Angeles 13–15 September 2010. Edited by H. Craig Melchert, 315–332. Wiesbaden, Germany: Reichert.
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Latin verbs of the first conjugation such as cubāre, dicāre, recuperāre and frequentatives in -tāre/-sāre are analysed as deverbal ā-presents with an atelic suffix.
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García Castillero, Carlos. 2000. La formación del tema de presente primario osco-umbro. Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain: Universidad del País Vasco.
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Despite the title, García Castillero’s work contains key information on the Latin present stem formations.
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García–Ramón, José-Luis. 1996. Lat. auēre ‘desear,’ (ad)iuuāre ‘ayudar’ e IE *h2ewh1‑ ‘dar preferencia, apreciar.’ In Akten des VIII. internationalen Kolloquiums zur lateinischen Linguistik: Proceedings of the Eighth International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics. Edited by Alfred Bammesberger and Friedrich Heberlein, 32–49. Heidelberg, Germany: Winter.
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Represents an excellent example of the combination of philological method with the comparative approach.
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Kölligan, Daniel. 2007. Iteratives and causatives in Latin: A unified approach. In Greek and Latin from an Indo‑European perspective. Edited by Coulter George, Matthew McCullagh, Benedicte Nielsen, Antonia Ruppel, and Olga Tribulato, 49–64. Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society.
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Etymological and functional remarks on Latin verbs in *-éye/o-.
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Mignot, Xavier. 1969. Les verbes dénominatifs latins. Paris: Klincksieck.
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Rich collection of data concerning the Latin denominative verbs.
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Rix, Helmut. 1999. Schwach charakterisierte lateinische Präsensstämme zu Seṭ-Wurzeln mit Vollstufe I. In Compositiones Indogermanicae in memoriam Jochem Schindler. Edited by Heiner Eichner and Hans Christian Luschützky, 515–535. Prague: Enigma Corporation.
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Fundamental discussion of Latin pairs like parāre/parere.
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Simon, Zsolt. 2008. Zur Geschichte des lat. sum. In Autour du lexique latin. Edited by Ghislaine Viré, 267–281. Brussels: Latomus.
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On the prehistory of Latin sum, “I am.”
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Steinbauer, Dieter Hubertus. 1989. Etymologische Untersuchungen zu den bei Plautus belegten Verben der lateinischen ersten Konjugation: Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Denominative, Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Universität Regensburg. Bamberg, Germany: Gräbner.
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Pioneering work in the field. Takes laryngeals into account for the reconstruction of Latin ā-present stems. Provides a wealth of etymological details.
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Latin Perfect Stems
The major reference work on the Latin perfect stems is Meiser 2003. Garnier 2010 and Pike 2009 focus on root vocalism. Seldeslachts 2001 and Willi 2009 discuss some suffixes forming the perfect stems.
Garnier, Romain. 2010. Sur le vocalisme du verbe latin: Étude synchronique et diachronique. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck.
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Clarifies the status of Latin ablauting verb stems and provides new diachronic accounts for various Italic words.
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Meiser, Gerhard. 2003. Veni, Vidi, Vici: Die Vorgeschichte des lateinischen Perfektsystems. Munich: Beck.
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Fundamental work. Latin and Sabellic formations are treated within the framework of natural morphology.
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Pike, Moss. 2009. The Indo-European long-vowel preterite: New Latin evidence. In Internal reconstruction in Indo-European: Methods, results, and problems; Section papers from the XVI International Conference on Historical Linguistics, University of Copenhagen, 11th-15th August, 2003. Edited by Jens Elmegård Rasmussen, Thomas Olander, andAnders Richardt Jørgensen, 205–212. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.
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According to Pike, some PIE Narten presents may have lent their lengthened-grade imperfects to Proto-Italic perfects. The author argues that Latin has preserved traces of a perfect clēpit (besides clepsit) that could be explained in that way.
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Seldeslachts, Herman. 2001. Études de morphologie historique du verbe latin et indo‑européen. Louvain, Belgium: Peeters.
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Detailed discussion of the Latin perfect in -u-. Rich bibliography.
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Willi, Andreas. 2009. To be or not to be: The Latin perfect in -v-. Historische Sprachforschung 122:228–247.
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New diachronic account of the Latin perfect in -u-.
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Archaic Forms of the Verb
De Melo 2007 and Garnier 2018 offer diachronic considerations on three archaic formations that are preserved in Latin: the faxō type, the faxim type, and the attigās type.
de Melo, Wolfgang David Cirilo. 2007. The Early Latin verb system: Archaic forms in Plautus, Terence, and beyond. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209026.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Focuses on archaic verb forms in Old and Classical Latin, such as attigās, faxō, and faxim.
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Garnier, Romain. 2018. Les subjonctifs sigmatiques en latin archaïque. In Nemo par eloquentia, Mélanges de linguistique ancienne en hommage à Colette Bodelot. Edited by Martin Taillade, Julie Gallego, Fabienne Fatello, and Guillaume Gibert, 99–108. Clermont-Ferrand, France: Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal.
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Examination of the prehistory of the faxō/faxim types.
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Nonfinite Forms of the Verb
Latin has several types of nonfinite verb forms: infinitives, participles, supine, gerund, gerundive. Meiser 1993 and Jasanoff 2006 give new accounts of the gerund and gerundive. The reconstruction of the passive infinitive has received a great deal of scholarly attention. García-Ramón 1993 and Fortson 2012 tackle the formal side of the reconstruction of the suffix -(r)ier, while Garnier and Pinault 2020 analyzes the same morphological unit in the framework of grammaticalization. From PIE Latin inherited lexicalized forms of the middle participle, as discussed by Pinault 2012, Olsen 2018, and Martzloff 2021.
Fortson, Benjamin W., IV. 2012. Latin ‑rier and its Indo-Iranian congeners. Indogermanische Forschungen 117:75–118.
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Latin -rier analyzed as an analogical replacement of *-δyē(r).
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García-Ramón, José Luis. 1993. Zur Morphosyntax der passivischen Infinitive im Oskisch‑Umbrischen: u. ‑f(e)i, o. ‑fír und ursabell. *‑fi̯ẹ̄ (*‑dʰi̯eh1). In Oskisch-Umbrisch: Texte und Grammatik: Arbeitstagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft und der Società Italiana di Glottologia vom 25. bis 28. September 1991 in Freiburg. Edited by Helmut Rix, 106–124. Wiesbaden, Germany: Reichert.
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Argues that the suffixes -ier and -rier contain an instrumental ending *-eh1.
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Garnier, Romain, and Georges-Jean Pinault. 2020. De quelques formations d’infinitifs en indo-européen. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 115.1: 321–390.
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The paper examines the Latin -(r)ier infinitives in light of comparative data and tries to uncover the paths of grammaticalization responsible for the creation of the suffix. Contains the previous bibliography.
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Jasanoff, Jay H. 2006. The Origin of the Latin gerund and gerundive: A new proposal. In Rus’ writ large: Languages, histories, cultures; Essays presented in honor of Michael S. Flier on his sixty-fifth birthday. Edited by H. Goldblatt and N. Shields Kollmann, 195–208. Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 28/1–4. Cambridge, MA: Ukrainian Research Institute, Harvard Univ.
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Jasanoff gives his own diachronic account for the Latin gerund and gerundive (*-nti-no-).
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Martzloff, Vincent. 2021. Quelques mots latins suffixés en -mnus, -mna, -minus, -mina. In Amice benigneque honorem nostrum habes: Estudios lingüísticos en homenaje al Profesor Benjamin García-Hernández. Edited by Luis Unceta Gómez, Carmen González Vázquez, Rosario López Gregoris, and Antonio María Martín Rodríguez, 99–111. Madrid: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.
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Distinguishes between several -m(i)nus/-m(i)na formations in Latin, among which alumnus (possibly an old middle participle), pīlumnus (with possessive suffix), antemna (with locational suffix).
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Meiser, Gerhard. 1993. Das Gerundivum im Spiegel der italischen Onomastik. In Sprachen und Schriften des antiken Mittelmeerraums: Festschrift für Jürgen Untermann zum 65. Geburtstag. Edited by Frank Heidermanns, Helmut Rix, and Elmar Seebold, 255–268. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
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Meiser argues that the suffix of the Latin gerund and gerundive derives from *-dn-o-.
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Olsen, Birgit Anette. 2018. What happened to the middle participle in Latin? In Vina diem celebrent: Studies in linguistics and philology in honor of Brent Vine. Edited by Dieter Gunkel, Stephanie W. Jamison, Angelo O. Mercado, and Kazuhiko Yoshida, 299–308. Ann Arbor, MI: Beech Stave Press.
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Discusses the possibility of a linguistic link between Latin -ndus forms and the PIE Middle Participle.
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Pinault, Georges-Jean. 2012. Sound laws and the suffix of the PIE “middle” participle. In The sound of Indo-European 2. Edited by Roman Sukač and Ondřej Šefcík, 227–251. Munich: Lincom Europa.
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Diachronic account of Latin formations such as alumnus and fēmina.
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Indo-European Linguistics and Latin Lexicon
Indo-European Linguistics provides new insights into the etymology and the historical development of Latin words.
General Overview and Etymological Dictionaries of Latin
There are three major etymological dictionaries of the Latin language: Ernout and Meillet 1959, Walde and Hofmann 1938–1956, and de Vaan 2008. A supplement to Ernout and Meillet 1959 is provided by Blanc Brachet and Lamberterie 2003–. The history and prehistory of the Latin lexicon are also investigated by Szemerényi 1989 and Moussy 2011. Recent advances in Latin (and Italic) etymology are presented by Vine 2012. Duarte 2017 gives an interesting account on the topic of “lexical gaps.”
Blanc, Alain, Jean-Paul Brachet, and Charles de Lamberterie, eds. 2003–. Chronique d’Étymologie Latine, Revue de Philologie, de Littérature et d’Histoire Anciennes. Paris: Klincksieck.
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Etymological supplements to Ernout and Meillet 1959.
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de Vaan, Michiel. 2008. Etymological dictionary of Latin and the other Italic languages. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
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The dictionary treats Latin words of PIE provenance and provides short etymological discussions. Some Sabellic lexemes and substrate words are also included. Useful bibliography.
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Duarte, Pedro. 2017. Les lacunes lexicales: Le témoignage de Pline l’Ancien. In Histoires de mots: Études de linguistique latine et de linguistique générale offertes en hommage à Michèle Fruyt. Edited by Pedro Duarte, Frédérique Fleck, Peggy Lecaudé, and Aude Morel, 437–451. Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne.
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The paper does not focus on Indo-European, but offers insightful remarks on the topic of “lexical gaps” (lacunes lexicales) in Latin and beyond, and may thus be relevant for the practice of etymology.
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Ernout, Alfred, and Antoine Meillet. 1959. Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine: Histoire des mots. 4th ed. Paris: Klincksieck.
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Etymological dictionary of Latin, first published in 1932. Offers reliable information on Latin lexemes and their history. The etymological discussions avoid speculation. Out of date on some important respects, but provides an excellent basis for further research in the field.
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Moussy, Claude. 2011. La polysémie en latin. Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne.
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Lexical-semantic investigations in several Latin words with etymological remarks.
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Szemerényi, Oswald. 1989. An den Quellen des lateinischen Wortschatzes. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
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A classic work on the field of Latin etymology.
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Vine, Brent. 2012. Forschungsbericht. Lateinische Etymologie. Anlässlich von de Vaan, Michiel, Etymological Dictionary of Latin and the other Italic Languages. Kratylos 57:1–40.
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Not simply a review of de Vaan 2008, but also provides a wealth of Latin etymological details and many bibliographical references on the topic.
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Walde, Alois, and Johann Baptist Hofmann. 1938–1956. Lateinisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. 3 vols. Heidelberg, Germany: Winter.
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Etymological dictionary of Latin. Useful overview of earlier etymological proposals. Vol. I (A‑L) 1938; II (M‑Z) 1954; III (index) 1956.
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Proto-Indo-European Reconstruction and Latin Epigraphy
Wachter 1987 provides a general presentation of the oldest Latin inscriptions. Vine 1993 gives careful philological discussions of various archaic and dialectal documents. The epigraphical records may preserve archaic forms that are relevant for the diachronic analysis of different lexemes (Adiego 1997, Vine 1998, Martzloff 2015).
Adiego, Ignacio-Javier. 1997. Un testimonio fundamental del latín más antiguo: La inscripción sobre una base de donario de Tívoli (CIL I, 2658). Latomus 56:58–66.
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Philological discussion of the Tivoli inscription with etymological remarks.
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Martzloff, Vincent. 2015. La plus ancienne composition poétique à Rome: L’inscription latine archaïque du duenos (CIL I2 4). Revue des Études Latines 93:69–106.
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Critical survey of (a part of) the recent scholarship (1985–2015) and of some earlier works dealing with the Duenos inscription. Offers a new proposal for the sequence oitesiai. Argues that the text may have been rhythmically structured.
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Vine, Brent. 1993. Studies in archaic Latin inscriptions. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
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Careful philological discussions of various documents written in early Latin. New diachronic accounts for several Latin words.
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Vine, Brent. 1998. Remarks on the archaic Latin “Garigliano Bowl” inscription. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 121:257–262.
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Philological and linguistic remarks on the “Garigliano Bowl” inscription.
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Wachter, Rudolf. 1987. Altlateinische Inschriften: Sprachliche und epigraphische Untersuchungen zu den Dokumenten bis etwa 150 v. Chr. Bern, Switzerland : Peter Lang.
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Contains important discussions of the chronology of the Latin sound changes and many philological remarks on the oldest inscriptions.
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Proto-Indo-European Reconstruction and Lexical Archaisms in Latin
Linguists have paid special attention to some archaic forms inherited in Latin: Brachet 2006 (tūtānus), García Ramón 2013 (Ferter), Forssman 1990 (corgō, ergō), Ligorio 2012 (berber), Neri 2017 (umbra, merula), Nussbaum 2016 (locuplēs), Rix 1985 (tatod), Watkins 1975 (iouiste).
Brachet, Jean-Paul. 2006. Lat. tūtānus: Sens et formation. Latomus 65:869–878.
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The word tūtānus (Varro) may preserve a trace of *teutā in Latin.
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Forssman, Bernhard. 1990. Lateinisch corgō, ergā, und ergō. In Beiträge zur historischen und vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft. Edited by Hans Schmigalla, 24–39. Jena, Germany: Friedrich-Schiller-Universität.
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According to Forssman, the words corgō and ergō contain the root *werĝ- (cf. English work).
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García Ramón, José Luis. 2013. Italische Personennamen, Sprachkontakt und Sprachvergleich: I. Einige oskische Namen, II. Altlatein Ferter Resius|rex Aequeicolus. Linguarum Varietas 2:103–117.
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Traces of the PIE *-ter(o)-suffix in Latin.
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Ligorio, Orsat. 2012. Stlat. sta berber “?” Lucida Intervalla, Prilozi odeljenja za klasične nauke 41:35–37.
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A new proposal about the diachronic analysis of berber (Carmen Arvale) that may contain a form of the PIE word for “door.”
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Neri, Sergio. 2017. Lat. Umbra und Verwandtes. In Miscellanea Indogermanica: Festschrift für José Luis García Ramón zum 65. Geburtstag. Edited by Ivo Hajnal, Daniel Kölligan, and Katharina Zipser, 561–574. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck.
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Phonological and morphological investigations on the family of Lat. umbra (shadow) and merula (blackbird, merle).
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Nussbaum, Alan J. 2016. Replacing locus ‘place’ in Latin locuplēs. In Sahasram Ati Srajas: Indo-Iranian and Indo-European studies in honor of Stephanie W. Jamison. Edited by Dieter Gunkel, Joshua T. Katz, Brent Vine, and Michael Weiss, 276–295. Ann Arbor, MI: Beech Stave Press.
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According to Nussbaum, the first member of the Latin compound locuplēs (rich) is not related to locus (place), but is cognate to the Vedic substantive rāśí- (heap, mass).
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Rix, Helmut. 1985. Das letzte Wort der Duenos-Inschrift. Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 46:193–220.
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Insightful study of the third line of the Duenos inscription. According to Rix, the root *(s)teh₂- (steal) lies behind the imperative tatod.
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Watkins, Calvert. 1975. Latin iouiste et le vocabulaire religieux indo-européen. In Mélanges linguistiques offerts à Émile Benveniste. Edited by Mohammad Djafar Moïnfar, 527–534. Paris: Société de Linguistique de Paris.
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Latin iouiste may be explained as reflecting an old superlative.
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Latin Etymology and Comparative Phraseology
Latin compounds or phrases may reflect traditional phraseological collocations: Brachet 2004 (urbem condere), García-Ramón 2007 (cortumiō), Lamberterie 2017 (silēre).
Brachet, Jean-Paul. 2004. Les fondements indo-européens de lat. urbem condere. Latomus 63:825–840.
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Phraseological parallelism between Hittite warpa dāi- and Latin urbem condere, both phrases containing the root *dʰeh1- (condō < *kom-dʰh1-).
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García-Ramón, José-Luis. 2007. Altlatein cortumiō “Geländeausschnitt”, idg. *kr̥-tomh1-ó- *“(Schnitt) schneidend”, contemnō “schmähe” und griechisch κέρτομος “schmähend,” κερτομέω “schmähe.” Aevum Antiquum, n.s., 7:285–298.
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According to García‑Ramón, Latin cortumiō can be equated structurally and historically with Greek κέρτομος (in spite of the semantic divergence).
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Lamberterie, Charles de. 2017. Le couple tacēre—silēre du latin: Étude étymologique. In Histoires de mots: Études de linguistique latine et de linguistique générale offertes en hommage à Michèle Fruyt. Edited by Pedro Duarte, Frédérique Fleck, Peggy Lecaudé, and Aude Morel, 35–59. Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne.
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Etymology and phraseology of silēre, with remarks on the prehistory of the stative suffix -ē-.
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Latin Etymology and the History of Roman Institutions
A better understanding of the historical development of Latin lexemes has consequences for the study of Roman political institutions (Rix 2000, Dumézil 1969). Specific studies include Weiss 2007 (tribus), Brachet 2012 (tribūnus), and Driessen 2001 (urbs).
Brachet, Jean-Paul. 2012. Le tribūnus et le commandement d’un tiers de l’armée. Lucida Intervalla, Prilozi odeljenja za klasične nauke 41:5–34.
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On the original meaning of tribūnus.
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Driessen, C. Michiel. 2001. On the Etymology of Lat. urbs. Journal of Indo-European Studies 29:41–68.
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Driessen provides an Indo-European etymology for Lat. urbs.
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Dumézil, Georges. 1969. Idées romaines. Paris: Gallimard.
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The book deals with possible traces of Indo-European inheritance in the Roman religion and institutions and contains remarks on the etymology of several Latin words. The book may be of interest even for those scholars not working within the frame of Dumézil’s trifunctionalism.
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Rix, Helmut. 2000. “Tribù,” “stato,” “città” e “insediamento” nelle lingue italiche. Archivio Glottologico Italiano 85:196–231.
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Well-informed survey about the history of the Italic institutions and their linguistic background. Contains remarks that are relevant for Latin.
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Weiss, Michael. 2007. Cui Bono? The beneficiary phrases of the Third Iguvine Table. In Verba Docenti: Studies in historical and Indo-European linguistics presented to Jay H. Jasanoff, by students, colleagues, and friends. Edited by Alan J. Nussbaum, 365–378. Ann Arbor, MI: Beech Stave Press.
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Etymology of Latin tribus (division of the people, tribe) and its phonological implications.
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Latin Etymology and Roman Cultural Terms
The diachronic approach may open a new window on the areal diffusion of some lexemes, such as “wine” (Brogyanyi and Lipp 2016), and “gold” and “silver” (Machajdíková 2014).
Brogyanyi, Bela, and Reiner Lipp. 2016. Wein im Anatolischen, Griechischen, Italischen und Indogermanischen. In Forme e strutture della religione nell’Italia mediana antica = Forms and structures of religion in ancient central Italy. Edited by Augusto Ancillotti, Alberto Calderini, and Riccardo Massarelli, 65–77. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider.
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Reconstruction and diffusion of the PIE lexeme “wine.”
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Machajdíková, Barbora. 2014. L’or (aurum), l’argent (argentum) et l’orichalque (aurichalcum): Étude lexicale de trois désignations latines de métaux précieux. Graecolatina et Orientalia 35–36:33–66.
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PIE reconstruction of aurum and argentum.
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Indo-European Linguistics and Latin Onomastics
Indo-European linguistics will shed light on some anthroponyms (García–Ramón 2012, Nishimura 2020) and theonyms (Benveniste 1945, Lipp 2016, Weiss 2017, Willi 2018).
Benveniste, Émile. 1945. Symbolisme social dans les cultes gréco-italiques. Revue de l’Histoire des Religions 129:5–16.
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This classic study was highly influential in its time. Diachronic analysis of Līber.
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García–Ramón, José -Luis. 2012. Anthroponymica Italica: Onomastics, lexicon, and languages in contact in ancient Italy: Latin and Sabellic names with /Op-/and /Ops-/. In Personal names in the Western Roman World. Edited by Torsten Meißner, 109–123. Berlin: Curach Bhán/Verlag für Kunst & Kulturwissenschaften.
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García‑Ramón provides a wealth of diachronic analyses of Latin and Sabellic proper names. The word formation is closely examined.
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Lipp, Reiner. 2016. Neuna Fata: La filatrice del destino caduta in oblio. In Forme e strutture della religione nell’Italia mediana antica/Forms and structures of religion in ancient central Italy: III Convegno Internazionale dell’Istituto di Ricerche e Documentazione sugli Antichi Umbri 21–25 settembre 2011. Edited by Augusto Ancillotti, Alberto Calderini, and Riccardo Massarelli, 429–444. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider.
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Careful etymological discussion of Old Latin theonyms.
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Nishimura, Kanehiro. 2020. Roman King Numa as an Indo-European distributor. Glotta 96:131–147.
DOI: 10.13109/glot.2020.96.1.131Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
On the name of the (legendary?) second king of Rome.
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Weiss, Michael. 2017. An Italo-Celtic divinity and a common Sabellic sound change. Classical Antiquity 36.2: 370–389.
DOI: 10.1525/ca.2017.36.2.370Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Etymology of Latin Sēmō and its phonological implications.
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Willi, Andreas. 2018. Mars Gradivus. In Vina diem celebrent: Studies in linguistics and philology in honor of Brent Vine. Edited by Dieter Gunkel, Stephanie W. Jamison, Angelo O. Mercado, and Kazuhiko Yoshida, 448–458. Ann Arbor, MI: Beech Stave Press.
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Analysis of Gradivus and its cultural background.
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Latin Syntax and Morphosyntax
Taking Indo-European linguistics into account leads to interesting observations in the fields of Latin syntax and morphosyntax. Among significant contributions, Fortson 2010 treats the morphosyntax of adpositions, Janse 1994 focuses on Latin traces of Wackernagel’s Law, and Janse 2000 discusses the syntactic behavior of pronouns.
Fortson, Benjamin W., IV. 2010. Reconsidering the history of Latin and Sabellic adpositional morphosyntax. American Journal of Philology 131:121–154.
DOI: 10.1353/ajp.0.0092Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
On Latin and Sabellic prepositions and postpositions.
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Janse, Mark. 1994. La loi de Wackernagel et ses extensions en latin: À propos de la collocation pronominale chez Pétrone. Techniques et Méthodologies Modernes Appliquées à l’Antiquité 1:107–146.
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Latin pronouns and Wackernagel’s Law.
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Janse, Mark. 2000. Convergence and divergence in the development of the Greek and Latin clitic pronouns. In Stability, variation and change of word-order patterns over time. Edited by Rosanna Sornicola, Erich Poppe, and Ariel Shisha-Halevy, 231–258. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: Benjamins.
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Syntactic behavior of Latin and Greek pronouns.
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Poetics and Comparative Metrics
Historical linguistics may provide insights into the fields of poetics and comparative metrics. Watkins 1995 and West 2007 provide excellent introductions. New approaches to the Saturnian verse are presented by Mercado 2012, de Melo 2014, Eichner 2012–2013, and Adiego 2018. Moreover, Eichner 1988–1990 and Martzloff and Machajdíková 2017 tackle the issue of the metrical structure of the Duenos inscription.
Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier. 2018. Un epigrama funerario en saturnios: El elogio de Lucio Cornelio Escipión hijo de Gneo (CIL I², 11). In Studia Philologica et Diachronica in Honorem Joaquín Gorrochategui, Indoeuropaea et Palaeohispanica. Edited by Carlos García Castillero, Iván Igartua, and José M. Vallejo, 1–21. Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain: Universidad del País Vasco.
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Critical survey of the recent bibliography, methodological remarks, and a new proposal.
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de Melo, Wolfgang David Cirilo. 2014 Review of Angelo Mercado, Italic Verse: A Study of the Poetic Remains of Old Latin, Faliscan, and Sabellic (Innsbruck, 2012). Kratylos 59:53–81.
DOI: 10.29091/KRATYLOS/2014/1/2Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Not merely a review of Mercado 2012. Also provides a new approach to the Saturnian verse.
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Eichner, Heiner. 1988–1990. Reklameiamben aus Roms Königszeit. Die Sprache 34.1: 207–238.
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The author proposes to identify an iambic meter in the Duenos inscription. Very rich bibliography.
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Eichner, Heiner. 2012–2013. Der sabellisch-altrömische uersus Saturnius im Schlaglicht neuer Evidenz des fünften Jahrhunderts vor Christus. Die Sprache 50.2: 240–254.
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Quantitative approach to Saturnian verse.
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Martzloff, Vincent, and Barbora Machajdíková. 2017. Structures strophiques dans la poésie épigraphique de l’Italie ancienne: Inscription latine archaïque du duenos (CIL I² 4), épitaphe pélignienne de la pristafalacirix (ST Pg 9, Corfinium). Graeco-Latina Brunensia 22.1: 147–163.
DOI: 10.5817/GLB2017-1-13Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Some aspects of Latin (and Sabellic) poetics and metrics.
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Mercado, Angelo. 2012. Italic verse: A study of the poetic remains of Old Latin, Faliscan, and Sabellic. Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck.
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Discusses Latin Saturnian and Sabellic verse. The author also attempts to establish a link between Italic verse and other Indo-European meters.
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Watkins, Calvert. 1995. How to kill a dragon: Aspects of Indo-European poetics. New York and Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
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Indispensable starting point for the study of Indo-European poetics. Several references to Latin (and Italic).
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West, Martin L. 2007. Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280759.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Indo-European poetics. Although not focusing specifically on Italic matters, the book offers concise but insightful remarks on Latin phraseology and etymology.
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