Philistines
- LAST REVIEWED: 28 April 2017
- LAST MODIFIED: 28 August 2018
- DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195393361-0144
- LAST REVIEWED: 28 April 2017
- LAST MODIFIED: 28 August 2018
- DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195393361-0144
Introduction
The Philistines were a people with roots in the Aegean or Anatolian world who settled on the southern coastal strip of Canaan around the year 1200, during the transitional period between the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. In Egyptian sources dating to this time, they are one among a number of so-called Sea Peoples who came into conflict with Egypt. Although they are mentioned anachronistically in the Hebrew Bible in both the ancestral (i.e., patriarchal) narratives and the exodus traditions, it is only in narratives dealing with the period of the judges (particularly in the Samson cycle: Judges 13–16) and with the rise of the Israelite monarchy, corresponding respectively to Iron Age Ib and IIa, that they play a more central role as antagonists: particularly of Samson and of the first Israelite king, Saul. In spite of the text’s negative attitude toward them, David appears to have spent some time as a Philistine vassal before assuming the mantle of Israelite kingship following the deaths of Saul and most of his sons at Philistine hands. After David’s supposed neutralization of the Philistine threat, the Philistines appear only sporadically in the biblical text, most noticeably in prophetic oracles against the nations. According to biblical literature, the Philistines were organized in a loose confederation of five city-states (the Philistine Pentapolis): Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Gaza along the coast, and Ekron and Gath farther inland, although the latter city does not appear in later texts. From the perspective of the biblical text, the Philistines were the quintessential “other,” distinguished from the other inhabitants of the Levant through their uncircumcised state. Our picture of Philistine history and culture is greatly expanded first by a number of ancient Near Eastern texts, particularly from the late New Kingdom Period in Egypt (13th–12th centuries BCE) and from the neo-Assyrian period (8th–7th centuries BCE), and second by the results of archaeological excavations at Philistine sites. Although a distinctive style of bichrome pottery was associated with the Philistines already at the end of the 19th century, it was not until the 1960s that intensive excavations began to be carried out both at cities of the Philistine Pentapolis (with the exception of Gaza, which is covered by the modern city of the same name) and at smaller and more peripheral sites. These have allowed us to draw a much more nuanced picture of Philistine history, society, and material culture, which oftentimes provides a corrective to the witness of the biblical text.
General Overviews
Studies of the Philistines approach the subject matter from varying perspectives. This category is dedicated to studies with a more global approach. These include both popular and more scholarly works. Bierling 1992 attempts to mesh the archaeological results with an understanding of the biblical text, while Dothan and Dothan 1992 provides an engaging account of this husband-and-wife team’s search for Philistine remains. Emphasis is placed on their own archaeological excavations of Ashdod, Tel Miqne-Ekron, and on Cyprus. Litani 2013 is an illustrated museum catalogue that presents an overview of Philistine material culture. Among the more scholarly works, Noort 1994 provides a comprehensive textual and archaeological study on the Philistines and associated Sea Peoples: presumably owing to its publication in German, this study has not been sufficiently taken note of in the scholarly literature. Margalith 1994 controversially argues for widespread Philistine influence on biblical literature. Niesiołowski-Spanò 2016 builds upon Margalith 1994 and goes far beyond in a provocative synthesis of Philistine influence on Israelite history and culture. Killebrew and Lehmann 2013 provides a relatively comprehensive collection of essays on the complex Philistine and Sea Peoples’ phenomenon. Ehrlich 1996 surveys the history of the Philistines between David and Tiglath-pileser III (c. 1000–730 BCE), more or less at which historical point the Tadmor 1966 study of the Philistines under Assyrian rule takes over. And Finkelstein 2002, whose author has a reputation as a re-dater of both archaeological levels and biblical texts, argues that the depiction of the Philistines in biblical literature is a reflection of the late date of the texts’ composition. Owing to the rapid pace of archaeological discovery in the Philistine world in recent years, many of the archaeological arguments in works older than about a decade have been superseded.
Bierling, Neal. Giving Goliath His Due: New Archaeological Light on the Philistines. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1992.
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A popular introduction to the study of the Philistines and their culture and history, written by an educated layman who participated extensively in the excavations of Tel Miqne-Ekron, among other sites in Israel. However, Bierling’s book should be used with caution, since his understanding of the biblical text is somewhat literalist.
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Dothan, Trude, and Moshe Dothan. People of the Sea: The Search for the Philistines. New York: Macmillan, 1992.
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Written by the scholars who established the modern study of the Philistines, this engaging book documents their personal search for the remains of the Philistines and other Sea Peoples. Drawing on their own excavations, the book reads like a mystery novel, while providing a wealth of information about the Philistines and their material culture.
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Ehrlich, Carl S. The Philistines in Transition: A History from ca. 1000–730 BCE. Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East 10. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1996.
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Examines a period of Philistine history that has not often been an object of interest: from the time of their supposed subjugation by David of Israel until their conquest by the Assyrian Tiglath-pileser III during his campaigns to the Levant in 734–732 BCE. Appendixes provide editions of relevant biblical and Assyrian texts.
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Finkelstein, Israel. “The Philistines in the Bible: A Late-Monarchic Perspective.” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 27 (2002): 131–167.
DOI: 10.1177/030908920202700201Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Finkelstein’s central thesis, which employs both textual and archaeological evidence, is that the biblical texts relating to the Philistines date to the late monarchic period (7th–6th centuries BCE), rather than to the time of which they purport to tell (mainly 11th–10th centuries BCE). This has controversial implications for the evaluation of these texts as historical sources.
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Killebrew, Ann E., and Gunnar Lehmann, eds. The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples” in Text and Archaeology. SBL Archaeology and Biblical Studies 15. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2013.
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An important collection of twenty-four essays covering a broad range of topics in Philistine and Sea Peoples studies. Following an introduction by the editors, the first section, consisting of nine essays, looks at “The Philistines in Text and Archaeology.” The second section, consisting of five essays, examines “The Other ‘Sea Peoples’ in the Levant.” The third section, consisting of eight essays, is dedicated to “Anatolia, the Aegean, and Cyprus.” Finally, an appendix provides information on “The ‘Sea Peoples’ in Primary Sources.”
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Litani, Galit. The World of the Philistines: The Rise and Fall of the Philistine Culture; Beginning of the 12th Century BCE–End of the 7th Century BCE. Translated by Zvi Gal. Ashdod, Israel: Corinne Mamane Museum of Philistine Culture, 2013.
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A bilingual English-Hebrew catalogue of the permanent exhibit at the world’s first museum dedicated solely to the Philistines. Lavishly illustrated, it provides a basic overview of Philistine history and material culture.
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Margalith, Othniel. The Sea Peoples in the Bible. Translated by Othniel Margalith and Shulamit Margalith. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz, 1994.
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An intriguing but idiosyncratic attempt to argue for widespread Philistine and Sea Peoples’ influence on biblical literature. The author overstates his case by his uncritical use of both biblical and Greek literature, and by his ignoring of archaeological evidence that would contradict his theories. Stimulating, but to be used with caution.
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Niesiołowski-Spanò, Łukasz. Goliath’s Legacy: Philistines and Hebrews in Biblical Times. Translated by Maria Kantor. Philippika: Altertumswissenschaftliche Abhandlungen/Contributions to the Study of Ancient World Cultures 83. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz, 2016.
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A provocative work that seeks to overturn many of the consensus positions in Philistine studies. Niesiołowski-Spanò’s basic thesis is that the Philistines had a much greater and longer impact on Israelite history and culture than previously supposed. Indeed, he attributes to the Philistines the origins of many of the ethnic groups and tribes mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, thus positing Philistine origins for both Canaanites and Israelites. The Philistine influence may also be identified in the vocabulary of Biblical Hebrew. And in distinction to other interpreters of the past, he does not view Nebuchadnezzar’s late-7th-century conquests as bringing an end to Philistine history. While many will disagree with his conclusions, he forces the reader to reconsider old assumptions.
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Noort, Ed. Die Seevölker in Palästina. Palaestina Antiqua 8. Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1994.
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Noort challenges the dominant orthodoxy that the Sea Peoples organized a massive invasion of Egypt and that Philistine material culture was largely imported from outside Canaan. Instead, the author argues that Philistine settlement does not date to the eighth year of Ramses III and that much of Philistine material culture continues older local traditions.
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Tadmor, Hayim. “Philistia under Assyrian Rule.” Biblical Archaeologist 29 (1966): 86–102.
DOI: 10.2307/3211004Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Based on his readings of Assyrian and biblical texts, the author was one of the world’s leading scholars of the ancient Near East. This study provides a political and economic history of the Philistines during the days of the neo-Assyrian Empire in the 8th–7th centuries BCE. Although older, this is still an informative and accessible essay.
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Textual Sources
Texts are as open to differing interpretations as is archaeology (and vice versa). In addition to the biblical text, there are a number of ancient textual sources—mainly from Egypt and Mesopotamia—that help shed light on the Philistines. These can be found in annotated translations in both Hallo 2003 and Weippert 2010. Adams and Cohen 2013 provides a useful listing of mentions of both Philistines and other Sea Peoples in ancient Near Eastern sources from the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages. Both Dothan and Cohn 1994 and Machinist 2000 deal with how the biblical text interprets and uses the Philistines in both an ideological and historiographical manner. Finkelstein 2002 and Zorn 2010 come to diametrically opposed conclusions regarding the antiquity of the information about the Philistines contained in the biblical text. Shai 2006 employs mainly the biblical text to arrive at conclusions regarding the changing political organization of the Philistines. Finally, Maeir 2007 uses archaeology to solve an amusing interpretative crux in the Ark narrative of 1 Samuel 4:1–7:1, in which the Philistines are afflicted by a plague of opalim in retribution for their capture of the Ark of the Covenant.
Adams, Matthew J., and Margaret E. Cohen. “The ‘Sea Peoples’ in Primary Sources.” In The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples” in Text and Archaeology. Edited by Ann E. Killebrew and Gunnar Lehmann, 654–664. SBL Archaeology and Biblical Studies 15. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2013.
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A helpful listing with rudimentary bibliography of mentions of Philistines and other Sea Peoples in Egyptian, Hittite, Ugaritic, and other sources from the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages.
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Dothan, Trude, and Robert L. Cohn. “The Philistine as Other: Biblical Rhetoric and Archaeological Reality.” In The Other in Jewish Thought and History: Constructions of Jewish Culture and Identity. Edited by Laurence J. Silberstein and Robert L. Cohn, 61–73. New York: New York University Press, 1994.
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An insightful article that looks at the biblical construction of the Philistines as “other” and deconstructs it partly by using archaeological evidence.
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Finkelstein, Israel. “The Philistines in the Bible: A Late-Monarchic Perspective.” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 27 (2002): 131–167.
DOI: 10.1177/030908920202700201Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
An attempt to place the biblical depictions of Philistine material culture within the world of Philistine archaeology. This leads Finkelstein to the controversial conclusion that the biblical texts relating to the Philistines are reflective more of their late period of composition than they are of the period of the heyday of the Philistines during Iron Age I.
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Hallo, William W., ed. The Context of Scripture. 3 vols. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2003.
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The most up-to-date and authoritative collection of English translations of texts from the world of the Hebrew Bible. The texts are annotated and include basic bibliographical information. Since the general arrangement of the texts is genre-based, one has to search through the index to find texts relating to the Sea Peoples and the Philistines.
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Machinist, Peter. “Biblical Traditions: The Philistines and Israelite History.” In The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment. Edited by Eliezer D. Oren, 53–83. Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 2000.
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Going beyond Dothan and Cohn 1994, Machinist attempts to survey the sweep of the Hebrew Bible’s depiction of the Philistines and leaves the reader with solid theories regarding both the use of the biblical text for the reconstruction of history and more specifically the function of the Philistines as a foil for Israel during its period of gestation.
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Maeir, Aren M. “A New Interpretation of the Term ‘opalim (עפלים) in the Light of Recent Archaeological Finds from Philistia.” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 32 (2007): 23–40.
DOI: 10.1177/0309089207083762Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
The word ‘opalim has long been an interpretative crux, with guesses as to its meaning ranging from boils to hemorrhoids. On the basis of a collection of votive penises found at Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath, Maeir proposes translating the word as “penis,” thus having God punish the uncircumcised Philistines on the organ that distinguishes them most clearly from the Israelites.
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Shai, Itzhaq. “The Political Organization of the Philistines.” In “I Will Speak the Riddles of Ancient Times”: Archaeological and Historical Studies in Honor of Amihai Mazar on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday. Vol. 1. Edited by Aren M. Maeir and Pierre de Miroschedji, 347–359. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2006.
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On the basis of an examination of the textual evidence, Shai puts forward the hypothesis that during Iron Age IIa the Philistines were united in a Pentapolis, probably under the leadership of Gath. Following the destruction of Gath, the four remaining Philistine cities functioned as independent city-states in Iron Age IIb.
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Weippert, Manfred. Historisches Textbuch zum Alten Testament. Grundrisse zum Alten Testament 10. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2010.
DOI: 10.13109/9783666516931Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
In distinction to Hallo 2003, in which the organizing principle is according to literary genre, Weippert provides a selection of texts relating to the history of the biblical world. In addition, while Hallo focuses on texts of literary merit, Weippert is more concerned with historical importance.
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Zorn, Jeffrey R. “Reconsidering Goliath: An Iron Age I Philistine Chariot Warrior.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 360 (2010): 1–22.
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While Finkelstein 2002 concludes that the description of Goliath’s armor in 1 Samuel 17 is at best a hodgepodge of different styles that reveals the late date of the composition of the text, Zorn concludes that the description is a trustworthy reflection of the armaments that a Philistine warrior would have worn in Iron Age I.
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The Sea Peoples
The arrival of the Philistines in Canaan is associated with the movement of various groups throughout the eastern Mediterranean world during the period of transition between the Late Bronze Age II and the Iron Age Ia (c. 1250–1150 BCE), during which there was a global collapse of Bronze Age civilization throughout the world of the ancient Near East and the Aegean; yet, it is unclear whether the peoples plying the seas were the cause or the effect of this process. Nor is it clear whether the Sea Peoples were colonists or refugees, merchants or marauders, peaceful people or pirates (on the latter, see Hitchcock and Maeir 2014). Drews 1993 attempts to answer the former question by surveying and critically analyzing the various explanations given for the collapse of Bronze Age civilization and whether the reasons for the demise were economic, environmental, natural, political, social, or technological. Although the threat of seafarers is known also from the Ugaritic texts, it is in texts from the reigns of the Egyptian pharaohs Ramses II, Merneptah, and Ramses III, that the names of a number of these seafaring groups are preserved, including in the case of the latter the Peleset, who are identified with the Philistines. It is also to the reign of Ramses III that the reliefs from the mortuary temple at Medinet Habu depicting various Sea Peoples including the Philistines are to be dated. Cifola 1988 provides an interpretation of the ideology behind these reliefs. While Sweeney and Yasur-Landau 1999 mines the reliefs for sociological data, Wachsmann 1998 focuses on the material world of the Philistines, specifically on their nautical capabilities. Although Sandars 1985 attempts to provide an overview of the whole of the discussion concerning the Sea Peoples, most scholarly studies devoted to them are collections of essays, since very few scholars would be able to do justice to this complex cross-cultural phenomenon on their own. While including a number of essays on the Sea Peoples phenomenon and the era of Philistine settlement, Gitin, et al. 1998 encompasses the whole of the eastern Mediterranean world during Late Bronze Age II and Iron Age I. The focus of Oren 2000 is more specifically on the Sea Peoples within the context of their time. Harrison 2006–2007 deals slightly more broadly with the Sea Peoples, the Philistines, and their world, as do both the more recent Killebrew and Lehmann 2013 and Fischer and Bürge 2017. Janeway 2017 looks at the ceramic evidence for the presence of Sea Peoples at the site of Tell Tayinat in southeastern Turkey.
Cifola, Barbara. “Ramses III and the Sea Peoples: A Structural Analysis of the Medinet Habu Inscriptions.” Orientalia 57 (1988): 275–306.
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In this important article, Cifola argues that one should not take the evidence of the pictorial representation of Ramses’ battle(s) against the Sea Peoples at face value, since the reliefs of the Medinet Habu temple are arranged according to a theological and not necessarily historical pattern.
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Drews, Robert. The End of the Bronze Age: Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe ca. 1200 B.C. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993.
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A scholarly yet readable study about the period of transition between the Bronze and Iron ages. After surveying the process of the collapse and the many different explanations given for it, Drews concludes that it was changes in the technology of warfare that allowed the “barbarians” to overcome their traditional masters.
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Fischer, Peter M., and Teresa Bürge, eds. “Sea Peoples” Up-to-Date: New Research on Transformations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th–11th Centuries BCE. Proceedings of the ESF Workshop held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, 3–4 November 2014. Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 81. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2017.
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The most recent collection of essays about the Sea Peoples. It is based on a conference held in Vienna in 2014. The contributions are arranged in five subject areas: “Overviews: From Italy to the Levant”; “Climate and Radiocarbon”; “Theoretical Approaches on Destruction, Migration and Transformation of Culture”; “Case Studies: Cyprus, Cilicia and the Levant”; and “Material Studies.”
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Gitin, Seymour, Amihai Mazar, and Ephraim Stern, eds. Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE. Festschrift Trude Dothan. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1998.
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A major collection of essays that covers a broad range of topics and geographical locations, from the Mycenaean world to Egypt and the Levant. The temporal focus is on the transitional period from the end of the Late Bronze Age until the beginning of Iron Age II (13th–9th centuries BCE).
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Harrison, Timothy P., ed. Special Issue: Cyprus, the Sea Peoples and the Eastern Mediterranean: Regional Perspectives of Continuity and Change. Scripta Mediterranea 27–28 (2006–2007).
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The focus of this important collection of essays is on the island of Cyprus as the hub from which the Sea Peoples and the Philistines radiated into the Levant. Nonetheless, individual papers deal also with the Aegean and Anatolian evidence, and specifically the Philistines and their peregrinations.
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Hitchcock, Louise A., and Aren M. Maeir. “Yo-Ho, Yo-Ho, a Seren’s Life for Me!” World Archaeology 46.4 (2014): 624–640.
DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2014.928602Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
In this article, the authors lay out the evidence for their theory that the complex Sea Peoples phenomenon in the transitional Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age may be explained through the medium of piracy.
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Janeway, Brian. Sea Peoples of the Northern Levant? Aegean Style Ceramic Evidence for the Sea Peoples from Tell Tayinat. Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 7. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2017.
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This revised doctoral dissertation from the University of Toronto examines and evaluates the implications of the ceramic evidence from the site of Tell Tayinat in southeastern Turkey. Finds made at the site, including its status as the capital city of a kingdom called Palastin, have given rise to speculation that there was a relationship between the inhabitants of this site and the more southerly Philistines. While Janeway accepts the fact of Sea Peoples’ presence here, he cautions strongly against a facile equating of the inhabitants of Tell Tayinat with the Philistines.
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Killebrew, Ann E., and Gunnar Lehmann, eds. The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples” in Text and Archaeology. SBL Archaeology and Biblical Studies 15. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2013.
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This work provides a relatively recent and wide-ranging collection of essays dealing with the breadth of Philistine and Sea Peoples studies. The volume is arranged in three major sections (“The Philistines in Text and Archaeology”; “The Other ‘Sea Peoples’ in the Levant”; and “Anatolia, the Aegean, and Cyprus”), with an introduction (“The World of the Philistines and Other ‘Sea Peoples’”) by the editors and a helpful appendix listing “The ‘Sea Peoples’ in Primary Sources.”
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Oren, Eliezer D., ed. The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment. University Museum Monograph 108, University Museum Symposium Series 11. Philadelphia: University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, 2000.
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Like Gitin, et al. 1998; Harrison 2006–2007; and Killebrew and Lehmann 2013, and authored by leading scholars in the field, these important essays cover a wide range of issues associated with the Sea Peoples and the Philistines, from questions of cultural background and influence to a specifically archaeological focus on material culture and cult.
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Sandars, Nancy K. The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the Ancient Mediterranean. Rev. ed. Ancient Peoples and Places. London: Thames and Hudson, 1985.
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Mainly due to the wealth of information added to our knowledge as a result of close to three decades of continued archaeological investigation in the eastern Mediterranean, this is an outdated study; however, it is still the best single-volume popular and richly illustrated introduction to the Sea Peoples and their world.
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Sweeney, Deborah, and Assaf Yasur-Landau. “Following the Path of the Sea Persons: The Women in the Medinet Habu Reliefs.” Tel Aviv 26 (1999): 116–145.
DOI: 10.1179/033443599788145719Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Most studies of the reliefs from Medinet Habu have concentrated on the battle scenes and the depictions of the Sea People ships and warriors. This article turns its attention to the womenfolk of the Sea Peoples as they are depicted within the reliefs and tries to extrapolate information of a sociological nature from them.
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Wachsmann, Shelley. Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1998.
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This is an invaluable work for all interested in the ships of the Sea Peoples in general and of the Philistines in particular. Pages 163–197 deal specifically with the Philistines’ distinctive two-prowed ships as depicted with birds’ heads on the Medinet Habu reliefs.
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Migration and Settlement
One of the burning issues in the study of the Philistines revolves around the question of their origins. The sources in this category deal specifically with the rise of the Philistines in Canaan: where they came from and what their process of coming into existence in this geographical realm entailed. Barako 2000 and Yasur-Landau 2010 both view the Philistines as immigrants from the Aegean world (broadly defined), who settled southern Canaan as a consequence of a large movement of people mainly by an overland route around the year 1200 BCE. Finkelstein 1995, on the other hand, argues against this migratory paradigm: and while conceding that some elements of Philistine culture support some limited immigration, this study draws attention to a cultural continuity with Canaanite culture. In this manner, the date of the Philistine settlement becomes part of Finkelstein’s larger project of dating archaeological levels about a century later than most other scholars do.
Barako, Tristam. “The Philistine Settlement as Mercantile Phenomenon?” American Journal of Archaeology 104 (2000): 513–530.
DOI: 10.2307/507227Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
An argument against those who have claimed that the settlement of the Philistines in Canaan and the introduction of their distinctive material culture may be attributed to the movement of goods by merchants in search of new mercantile outlets. On the contrary, the evidence supports the theory of a military invasion by migrants.
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Finkelstein, Israel. “The Date of the Settlement of the Philistines in Canaan.” Tel Aviv 22 (1995): 213–239.
DOI: 10.1179/033443595788194142Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Arguing against the dominant paradigm that assumes that the Philistines arrived in Canaan in the early 12th century BCE during the reign of Ramses III, Finkelstein attempts to demonstrate that there is no evidence that they arrived before the latter part of that century, thus removing the reliefs from Medinet Habu from the discussion.
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Yasur-Landau, Assaf. Philistines and Aegean Migration in the Late Bronze Age. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511761201Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
An argument that the origins of the Philistines may be found in a mainly land-based migration of about 10,000 people from the Aegean world to southern Canaan, destroying Ugarit and invading Egypt on the way. Yasur-Landau focuses his attention on the Philistines as a social phenomenon.
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Philistine Archaeology
Most archaeological studies devoted to the Philistines tend to investigate specific sites or specific issues in Philistine archaeology. There are a handful of studies, however, that take a more global approach to the subject matter. Dothan 1982 and Brug 1985 provide state-of-the-field surveys and analyses of Philistine studies as they were in the early and mid-1980s respectively. The former volume in particular is considered to be the single most important synthesis of Philistine archaeology and material culture, in spite of the progress of the field in the three decades since its publication. While Dothan’s book was written before the excavations of Tel Miqne-Ekron, Ashkelon, and Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath (among others), it remains the starting point of any discussion about Philistine material culture, although some of its conclusions have been changed or refined over time. Stern 1993 and Stern 2008 is the basic reference work to turn to for anyone interested in specific archaeological sites, their finds, and analyses.
Brug, John F. A Literary and Archaeological Study of the Philistines. BAR International Series 265. Oxford: B.A.R., 1985.
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Provides a textual and archaeological picture of the Philistine phenomenon. Although written in the mid-1980s, this remains a helpful synthesis of Philistine studies. The author views the Philistine settlement as that of small groups rather than a massive migration to or invasion of Canaan during the Late Bronze/Iron Age transition.
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Dothan, Trude. The Philistines and Their Material Culture. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982.
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If there is one indispensable work on the Philistines and their archaeology, this is it. Although the author surveys the literary remains (pp. 1–24), her focus is on gathering and systematizing Philistine material culture, particularly its distinctive bichrome pottery (pp. 94–218). Her survey of the sites with Philistine remains (pp. 25–93) is also of great value.
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Stern, Ephraim, ed. The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. 4 vols. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1993.
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Arranged by the names of archaeological sites, this reference work provides summaries of the excavations and analyses of their results. Richly illustrated, each entry also includes a bibliography. When seeking information about individual sites, this is the place to start.
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Stern, Ephraim, ed. The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land 5: Supplementary Volume. Jerusalem/Washington, DC: Israel Exploration Society/Biblical Archaeology Society, 2008.
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Published fifteen years after Stern 1993, this work adds new excavations to the database and brings the results of older excavations up-to-date. To be used in conjunction with Stern 1993.
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Material Culture
At the very end of the 19th century, soundings in Philistine territory identified a unique form of bichrome (two-colored) pottery as Philistine. Over the years, much has been added to our knowledge of Philistine material culture and an increasingly refined picture is emerging of it, its similarities to other material assemblages, and its distinctive nature vis-à-vis Israelite material culture. The studies included here highlight just a few of the directions the study of Philistine material culture is taking in the modern world. The analytical emphasis here is on Philistine pottery, since it is by far the most frequently found remain and serves as a general chronological marker for archaeological strata. Philistine pottery went through three major phases: Monochrome (one-colored), also known as Mycenean IIIC:1 Pottery, during Iron Age Ia (Dothan and Zukerman 2004), Bichrome (two-colored) during Iron Age Ib (Dothan 1982), and Late Philistine Ware (still imperfectly understood) that represents the fine china of Iron Age II (Ben-Shlomo, et al. 2004). Sharon 2001 places the changing analysis and interpretation of the Bichrome style within Western intellectual history. Ben-Shlomo 2010 analyzes both two- and three-dimensional artistic motifs appearing in Philistine material culture, while Press 2012 turns his attention to an analysis of Philistine figurines from an anthropological perspective. Maeir and Hitchcock 2011 investigates the origins and cultural significance of the hearth, a feature imported into Canaan that has long been associated with Philistine and/or Sea Peoples’ presence. Finally, Uziel 2007 delves into the process driving change in Philistine material culture and how to designate it.
Ben-Shlomo, David. Philistine Iconography: A Wealth of Style and Symbolism. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 241. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2010.
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A systematization and analysis of the iconography of Philistine material remains. The author concludes that the Philistines represent a foreign element that gradually took over and merged with the local culture to produce a symbolic world that included elements of Aegean, Egyptian, Israelite, and Phoenician culture.
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Ben-Shlomo, David, Itzhaq Shai, and Aren M. Maeir. “Late Philistine Decorated Ware (‘Ashdod Ware’): Typology, Chronology, and Production Centers.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 335 (2004): 1–35.
DOI: 10.2307/4150067Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
An analysis of the third phase of Philistine pottery: a type of burnished and simply decorated pottery first identified during the excavations of Ashdod and named “Ashdod Ware.” Since it has also been found in abundance at Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath, the authors argue that it should more properly be referred to as “Late Philistine Decorated Ware.”
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Dothan, Trude. The Philistines and Their Material Culture. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982.
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The single most important analysis of Philistine material culture, even if it predates the recent and—in part—ongoing excavations of Ashkelon, Tel Miqne-Ekron, and Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath. Of particular interest is Dothan’s analysis and systematization of the Philistine Bichrome Ware of Iron Age Ib (pp. 94–218), with its distinctive styles, forms, and cultural influences.
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Dothan, Trude, and Alexander Zukerman. “A Preliminary Study of the Mycenean IIIC:1 Pottery Assemblages from Tel Miqne-Ekron and Ashdod.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 333 (2004): 1–54.
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A study of Philistine Monochrome Ware, dated to the second quarter of the 12th century BCE. With its monochrome decorations in the Aegean style, it represents the first phase of Philistine settlement. This type of pottery was not an outgrowth of local traditions but indicates the presence of immigrants with ties to Cyprus.
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Maeir, Aren M., and Louise A. Hitchcock. “Absence Makes the Hearth Grow Fonder: Searching for the Origins of the Philistine Hearth.” Eretz Israel 30 (2011): 46–64.
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The hearth has been pointed to as a Philistine ethnic marker. The authors argue that its presence does not indicate that the Philistines were Mycenaean, since the closest parallels to the variety of construction techniques used in building Philistine hearth may be found on the islands of Crete and especially Cyprus.
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Press, Michael D. Ashkelon 4: The Iron Age Figurines of Ashkelon and Philistia. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2012.
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A thorough and lavishly illustrated anthropological study of the various types of figurines, both anthropomorphic and theriomorphic, found at Ashkelon and other Philistine sites. Among others, these include the “mourning figure” (renamed: Philistine Psi) and Ashdoda types from Iron I and types showing Israelite, Phoenician, and regional influence during Iron Age II.
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Sharon, Ilan. “Philistine Bichrome Painted Pottery: Scholarly Ideology and Ceramic Typology. In Studies in the Archaeology of Israel and the Neighboring Lands in Memory of Douglas L. Esse. Edited by Samuel R. Wolf, 555–609. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations 59. Chicago: Oriental Institute, 2001.
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An excellent article in which the author deals less with the classic Philistine bichrome pottery of Iron Age I per se, which he terms “Early Iron Age wheel-made Bichrome Painted by hand” (p. 561), but rather lays out how the Zeitgeist and intellectual trends influenced the analysis and interpretation of that style.
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Uziel, Joe. “The Development Process of Philistine Material Culture: Assimilation, Acculturation and Everything in between.” Levant 39 (2007): 165–173.
DOI: 10.1179/lev.2007.39.1.165Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
An examination of the various terms used to describe the process of development of Philistine material culture: from assimilation to acculturation to creolization. While acculturation may be an appropriate term to use in Iron Age I, it no longer should be used in reference to Iron Age II.
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Specific Sites
Owing to their continued occupation over the centuries, the sites of Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Gaza—the coastal cities of the Philistine Pentapolis—have always been known. The same cannot be claimed for the inland cities of Ekron and Gath, whose positive identification has had to await the results of archaeological excavation over the last couple of decades. Given the intense preoccupation with the Philistines and their archaeology in the modern age, it may come as a surprise that the first large-scale scientific excavation of a Pentapolis city was that of Ashdod in the 1960s. This was followed by that of Ekron (at Tel Miqne) as of the early 1980s, Ashkelon as of the mid-1980s, and finally that of Gath—now known to have been located at Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Tel Ṣafit—as of the mid-1990s. While soundings have been made at Gaza, owing to the modern city’s location covering the old large-scale excavations have never been carried out there. In addition to the core cities of the Philistine Pentapolis, there are quite a number of other sites that have either been identified as Philistine at various times (e.g., Tell Qasile, Tel Batash-Timnah) or at which remains of Philistine material culture (such as pottery) have been discovered (e.g., Beth-Shean in the Jordan Valley).
Ashdod
The first of the major Philistine cities to be extensively excavated, it was a major port city during the Iron Age and thereafter. Over the course of nine seasons the archaeological team, under the principal direction of Moshe Dothan, set the benchmark standard for the scientific excavation of Philistine sites. Together the volumes Dothan and Freedman 1967, Dothan 1971, Dothan and Porath 1982, Dothan and Porath 1993, and Dothan and Ben-Shlomo 2005 give a comprehensive survey of the results of the archaeological excavations of Ashdod. Dothan and Freedman 1967 provide information on the site, the planned excavation project, and the first season of excavation. Dothan 1971 summarizes the results of the second and third seasons of excavation, as well as of a short sounding in 1967. Dothan and Porath 1982 examines the results of the excavation of the city fortifications including its massive gate, while Dothan and Porath 1993 looks at an area on the acropolis of the tell. Finally, Dothan and Ben-Shlomo 2005 concentrate on a stratigraphic cut through the western slope of the tell.
Dothan, Moshe. Ashdod II/III: The Second and Third Seasons of Excavation, 1963, 1965, Soundings in 1967 (‘Atiqot 9–10). Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Museums in the Ministry of Education and Culture, 1971.
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Covers the second and third seasons of excavations at Ashdod as well as what would have been the fourth season had the Six Day War of 1967 not intervened. By this time a statigraphic sequence ranging from the Chalcolithic Age through the Byzantine period had been established for the tell.
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Dothan, Moshe, and David Noel Freedman. Ashdod I: The First Season of Excavations, 1962 (‘Atiqot 7). Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Museums in the Ministry of Education and Culture, 1967.
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The final report of the first season of excavation, this includes a historical survey of the site and an introduction to the excavation project as a whole in addition to reports on the four fields of excavation.
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Dothan, Moshe, and Yosef Porath. Ashdod IV: Excavation of Area M, The Fortifications of the Lower City (‘Atiqot 15). Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Museums in the Ministry of Education and Culture, 1982.
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Dedicated to the excavations of Area M on the northeastern slope of the tell, which was excavated over the course of a few seasons until 1972. Massive fortifications were found there, including the main Iron Age II gate to the city, which was built in the style often termed “Solomonic.”
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Dothan, Moshe, and Yosef Porath. Ashdod V: Excavation of Area G, The Fourth-Sixth Seasons of Excavations (1968–1970) (‘Atiqot 23). Jerusalem: Israel Antiques Authority, 1993.
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Like Dothan and Porath 1982, this volume is dedicated to the excavation of one specific excavation area over the course of a few seasons. Area G is located on the acropolis of the tell and was a major source of Philistine remains.
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Dothan, Moshe, and David Ben-Shlomo. Ashdod VI: The Excavations of Areas H and K (1968–1969). IAA Reports 24. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority, 2005.
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The final volume of the Ashdod excavation report appeared six years after Dothan’s death. This volume concentrates on two seasons of work in areas on the western slope of the tell, where a complete stratigraphic sequence from the Late Bronze Age through the Hellenistic period could be isolated.
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Ashkelon
This imposing seaside site was excavated between 1985 to 2016 by a team under the direction of Lawrence Stager of Harvard University, although his student Daniel Master of Wheaton College took over the direction of the fieldwork during the final years of excavation. The ancient mound, where Philistine Ashkelon was located, was inhabited from the 4th millennium BCE until the middle ages. Owing to the many archaeological strata, only a portion of the Philistine levels have been uncovered thus far. Stager 1991 gives a popular and preliminary introduction to the site and its archaeology. Stager, et al. 2008 and Stager, et al. 2011 provide a comprehensive introduction to the site and its excavations, as well as a final report on the final years of Philistine Ashkelon, respectively. Johnson and Stager 1995 looks at Ashkelon as a center of wine production, while Master 2003 situates the late Philistine city within the context of international trade relationships. Master and Aja 2017 provides the first official publication of the only Philistine cemetery thus far discovered. The Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon website offers many useful features for those interested in exploring the site and its associated research project.
Johnson, Barbara L., and Lawrence E. Stager. “Ashkelon: Wine Emporium of the Holy Land.” In Recent Excavations in Israel: A View to the West. Reports on Kabri, Nami, Miqne-Ekron, Dor, and Ashkelon. Edited by Seymour Gitin, 95–109. AIA Colloquia and Conference Papers 1. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt, 1995.
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One of the distinctive vessels of the Philistine bichrome ware was once known as a “beer jug” owing to its distinctive strainer spout. However, this article argues that the Philistines were wine drinkers, not beer drinkers. Hence, the vessel is now known simply as a “strainer jug.”
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The Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon.
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The official website of the Ashkelon excavation includes much information and many useful features. Of particular interest are the photo archives, the interactive bibliography, and the database. In addition, the first four volumes of the final excavation report are available for download.
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Master, Daniel M. “Trade and Politics: Ashkelon’s Balancing Act in the Seventh Century B.C.E.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 330 (2003): 47–64.
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Among the periods that we know the most about Philistine Ashkelon is the 7th century BCE, when the city was part of the neo-Assyrian Empire and had trade relations both with Egypt and in particular with the Phoenician cities to the north.
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Master, Daniel M., and Adam J. Aja. “The Philistine Cemetery of Ashkelon.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 377 (2017): 135–159.
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During 2013–2016 an extramural cemetery was uncovered just to the north of the site of ancient Ashkelon. This cemetery has been dated to Iron Age IIa and has revealed thus far the remains of over two hundred individuals, mainly men and women in roughly equal proportion. The low number of young children buried here indicates that their remains were generally disposed in other ways or places. Over half of the burials are simple pit burials, while some are in tomb chambers. Interment in jars and cremation is also in evidence, but not frequent. The great significance of this find lies in the fact that until its discovery, next to nothing was known about Philistine burial customs.
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Stager, Lawrence E. Ashkelon Discovered: From Canaanites and Philistines to Romans and Moslems. Washington, DC: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1991.
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A small collection of early articles about the Ashkelon excavation that had originally appeared in Biblical Archaeology Review. Richly illustrated and written in a popular style.
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Stager, Lawrence E., Daniel M. Master, and J. David Schloen. Ashkelon 3: The Seventh Century B.C. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2011.
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This volume of the final Ashkelon reports deals with finds from the Babylonian destruction level of the very end of the 7th century BCE, dramatic evidence of which has been uncovered to give us a snapshot in time of what is considered by many the end of Philistine history.
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Stager, Lawrence E., J. David Schloen, and Daniel M. Master, eds. Ashkelon 1: Introduction and Overview (1985–2006). Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2008.
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The first volume of the Ashkelon final reports deals with the history of excavation, the stratigraphy, and various small finds.
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Ekron
The low-lying mound of Tel Miqne was identified with Ekron in the late 1950s in Naveh 1958, an identification that became accepted as fact with the discovery of an inscription mentioning the name of the site during the last season of excavation there in 1996. A joint American-Israeli mission under the direction of Seymour Gitin and Trude Dothan excavated the site from 1981–1996. A major site in Iron Age I, it was reduced in size and influence during Iron Age IIa, only to blossom and reach its fullest expansion during Iron Age IIb/c under Assyrian domination (the so-called pax Assyriaca or “Assyrian peace”), when it became the largest producer of olive oil in the ancient Near East. Over the course of the years, the excavators have published the results in a most expeditious manner. Gitin 1989 sketches a general history of the fate of Philistine Ekron during the Iron Age, in which the author concludes that there was “a four-stage process of growth, decline, regeneration, and partial abandonment” (p. 51). Dothan 1995 examines material evidence for Aegean origins found at the site. Na’aman 2003 tries to understand the factors driving the economic success of Ekron, particularly under Assyrian rule. Finally, the excavation has put together a very useful document online that provides many avenues for further investigation of Ekron (see Summary of Fourteen Seasons of Excavation 1981–1996 and Bibliography 1982–2012).
Dothan, Trude. “Tel Miqne-Ekron: The Aegean Affinities of the Sea Peoples’ (Philistines’) Settlement in Iron Age I.” In Recent Excavations in Israel: A View to the West. Reports on Kabri, Nami, Miqne-Ekron, Dor, and Ashkelon. Edited by Seymour Gitin, 41–59. AIA Colloquia and Conference Papers 1. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt, 1995.
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An examination of finds from Tel Miqne-Ekron that appear to give evidence of an Aegean origin for the Philistines. These include hearths, iron knives, lion-headed drinking cups (rhyta), wheeled stands, incised bovine scapulae, figurines, pottery forms and decoration, and a building in the so-called megaron style.
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Gitin, Seymour. “Tel Miqne-Ekron: A Type-Site for the Inner Coastal Plain in the Iron Age II Period.” In Recent Excavations in Israel: Studies in Iron Age Archaeology. Edited by Seymour Gitin and William G. Dever, 23–58. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 49. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1989.
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The four stages in the history of Ekron are reflected in the fortunes of the lower city, which was inhabited only during the periods of growth and regeneration, during the latter of which there was an enormous olive oil industry at the site.
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Na’aman, Nadav. “Ekron under the Assyrian and Egyptian Empires.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 332 (2003): 81–91.
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Argues that the reason for Ekron’s economic success in the 7th century BCE is due to favorable geo-political circumstances and not a result of a deliberately followed policy granting it favored status within the neo-Assyrian empire.
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Naveh, Joseph. “Khirbat al-Muqanna’—Ekron: An Archaeological Survey.” Israel Exploration Journal 8 (1958): 87–100.
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Established the identity of Khirbat al-Muqanna’ (aka Tel Miqne) as Philistine Ekron.
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Summary of Fourteen Seasons of Excavation 1981–1996 and Bibliography 1982–2012. Jerusalem: W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research and Hebrew University, 2012.
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Useful summary of the Tel Miqne-Ekron excavations and a lengthy bibliography of works that have come out of it (books, articles, theses, etc.). A good place to start when doing research on the site.
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Gath
The site of Gath at Tell eṣ-Ṣafi (Arabic)/Tel Ṣafit (Hebrew) was the last of the cities of the Philistine Pentapolis to be identified with any measure of certainty. It was thought by many to be too close to Ekron to have been Gath (refuted in Rainey 1975). However, the excavation that began in 1996 under the direction of Aren Maeir has demonstrated that (1) the site was much larger than previously thought, and (2) its fate generally was the mirror image of Ekron’s, thus allowing for the cities’ proximity. The site’s identification is now accepted by all. Over the course of the years, the preliminary results have been published quite quickly; and the excavation is known for its application of the latest cutting-edge scientific methods. Maeir 2012 is an invaluable scholarly resource on the site and the first decade of its excavation. More limited in scope but much more accessible is Maeir and Ehrlich 2001, which presents the preliminary results of the first five years of excavation in a popular style. An up-to-date and semipopular survey of the excavations over the course of their first two decades plus may be found in Maeir 2017 and Maeir 2018. Maeir and Gur-Arieh 2011 deals with the unique 9th century BCE siege trench found surrounding the site on three sides (the Elah Valley provides a natural barrier on the fourth). The Tell es-Safi/Gath weblog is an excellent source of ongoing information on the excavation. See also Zukerman and Shai 2006.
Maeir, Aren M., ed. Tell Es-Safi/Gath I: The 1996–2005 Seasons. Ägypten und Altes Testament 69. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz, 2012.
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This first volume of the final Gath excavation reports covers the first decade of excavation. Comprising twenty-eight chapters plus appendixes and plates, this report deals with background issues, the history of scholarship, and a detailed analysis of the finds and preliminary conclusions from the first ten years of work at the site. Pages 84–88 include a list of all “Project-Related Publications.”
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Maeir, Aren M., ed. Special Issue: The Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath Archaeological Project. Near Eastern Archaeology 80.4 (2017).
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The first of two issues of this leading semipopular academic journal to be devoted to the excavations at Tell es-Safi/Gath. These excavations have been led since their inception in 1996 by the guest editor of these issues, Aren M. Maeir of Bar Ilan University in Israel. This issue contains nineteen articles categorized under the rubrics Overview, Survey, Environmental Studies, The Early Bronze Age, and The Late Bronze Age. For readers interested solely in the Philistines, the first four articles are of primary importance.
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Maeir, Aren M., ed. Special Issue: The Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath Archaeological Project. Near Eastern Archaeology 81.1 (2018).
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The second of two issues of this leading semipopular academic journal to be devoted to the ongoing excavations at Tell es-Safi/Gath, which have been directed since 1996 by the guest editor of these issues. This issue contains twenty articles grouped around the themes of Iron Age, Philistine Material Culture, Microarchaeology, and Bioarchaeology. For students of the Philistines, this collection of articles has more material of interest than the previous issue.
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Maeir, Aren M., and Carl S. Ehrlich. “Excavating Philistine Gath: Have We Found Goliath’s Hometown?” Biblical Archaeology Review 27.6 (2001): 22–31.
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This semi-popular article, based on the results of the first half decade of work at Tell eṣ-Ṣafi, is the one that provided the archaeological basis for Rainey 1975 and its more textually and geographically based identification of the site.
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Maeir, Aren M., and Shira Gur-Arieh. “Comparative Aspects of the Aramean Siege System at Tell eṣ-Ṣāfi/Gath.” In The Fire Signals of Lachish: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Israel in the Late Bronze Age, Iron Age, and Persian Period in Honor of David Ussishkin. Edited by Israel Finkelstein and Nadav Na’aman, 227–244. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2011.
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A discussion of the unique find from Tell eṣ-Ṣafi of a siege trench surrounding the site on three sides. The excavators argue that it is to be dated to the latter part of the 9th century BCE when Hazael of Aram-Damascus besieged and conquered the city, thus bringing an end to its ancient heyday.
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Rainey, Anson F. “The Identification of Philistine Gath: A Problem in Source Analysis for Historical Geography.” Eretz Israel 12 (1975): 63–76.
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An application of the author’s historical-geographical methodology. This is the article that allowed the identification of Tell eṣ-Ṣafi as Philistine Gath to become widespread but still not ubiquitous in the scholarly literature.
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Tell es-Safi/Gath Excavations Official (and Unofficial) Weblog.
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For those interested in keeping up with the ongoing excavations at this important Philistine site, this weblog hosted by the dig director Aren Maeir is an informative and amusing place to visit on a regular basis.
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Zukerman, Alexander, and Itzhaq Shai. “‘The Royal City of the Philistines’ in the ‘Azekah Inscription’ and the History of Gath in the Eighth Century BCE.” Ugarit Forschungen 38 (2006): 729–778.
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An interpretation of a fragmentary Assyrian inscription, dated to Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah (701 BCE). The unnamed royal city is identified with Gath and reasons are advanced why it would still have been referred to as Philistine even though Gath lay under Judean control at this time. It includes a survey of the history of Gath in the Iron Age.
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Non-Pentapolis Sites
In addition to the cities of the Philistine Pentapolis, a number of other sites have been identified as Philistine. Among these is Timnah, a city located in the Sorek Valley on the border between Philistia and Israel/Judah, which changed hands over the course of time, as detailed in Kelm and Mazar 1995. Panitz-Cohen and Mazar 2006 examines the Philistine finds from Timnah in greater detail. According to Judges 14–15, Samson’s wife came from there. Kletter, et al. 2006 and Kletter, et al. 2010 make a strong case for the identification of Yavneh as a Philistine site during at least part of the Iron Age on the basis of the cultic finds made during a salvage excavation of a repository (Hebrew: genizah) for broken cultic vessels there in 2002. At the very northernmost extent of Philistine territory is the site of Tell Qasile, which was an important Philistine city during Iron Age I but subsequently became Israelite. In spite of its importance as an original Philistine foundation, its ancient name is unknown. Mazar 1980 and Mazar 1985 concentrate on the Philistine temple found there and its cultic paraphernalia, while Nahshoni 2009 presents preliminary evidence for a contemporaneous parallel at a peripheral site. Lehmann, et al. 2009 provides one of our first glimpses at what rural Philistine culture may have looked like.
Kelm, George L., and Amihai Mazar. Timnah: A Biblical City in the Sorek Valley. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995.
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Tel Batash has been identified as biblical Timnah. The excavators conclude that during Iron Age I the city was under Philistine control, only to become Israelite during Iron Age II. They also postulate that the Philistines were a foreign ruling class that imposed itself on a local population without supplanting it.
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Kletter, Raz, Irit Ziffer, and Wolfgang Zwickel. “Cult Stands of the Philistines: A Genizah from Yavneh.” Near Eastern Archaeology 69 (2006): 146–159.
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A preliminary and semi-popular report on a repository for a large hoard of small cultic clay shrines discovered at the site of Yavneh, on the coastal plain south of Tel Aviv and north of Ashdod. On the basis of their iconography, the excavators claim that the site was Philistine and not Israelite.
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Kletter, Raz, Irit Ziffer, and Wolfgang Zwickel. Yavneh I: The Excavation of the “Temple Hill” Repository Pit and the Cult Stands. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis Series Archaeologica 30. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2010.
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The final scholarly publication of the finds from the Yavneh genizah. The excavators provide a much more detailed analysis than in their 2006 article on the discovery of the repository for clay cultic shrines. Once again, they conclude that the finds are Philistine and shed light on Philistine religion and cult.
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Lehmann, Gunnar, Steven A. Rosen, Angelika Berlejung, and Hermann Michael Niemann. “Ausgrabungen in Qubūr el-Walēyide, Israel, 2007–2008: Vorbericht.” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 125 (2009): 1–32.
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A preliminary report on the excavations of a small rural site in the borderland between the coastal plain and the desert some twenty kilometers south of Gaza. The excavators conclude that contrary to what had previously been assumed, Philistine culture, which is dominant here in Iron Age Ib, extended out of the cities and into the country.
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Mazar, Amihai. Excavations at Tell Qasile, Part One, The Philistine Sanctuary: Architecture and Cult Objects. Qedem 12. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1980.
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Lying on the banks of the Yarkon River in northern Tel Aviv is the site of Tell Qasile, which was a Philistine port city in Iron Age I. Among the most important discoveries is that of a sanctuary, containing distinctive cultic objects, which went through three phases and has architectural parallels both in Canaan and in the Aegean world.
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Mazar, Amihai. Excavations at Tell Qasile, Part Two. The Philistine Sanctuary: Various Finds, the Pottery, Conclusions, Appendixes. Qedem 20. Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1985.
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While the first volume of the excavation report dealt with the architecture of the Philistine sanctuary and the cultic finds there, this second volume concentrates on the associated miscellaneous finds and the pottery found there. In addition, Mazar provides his general conclusions on the results of his excavation.
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Nahshoni, Pirhiya. “Nahal Patish: Preliminary Report.” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 121 (2009): 852–858.
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A salvage excavation conducted during three seasons (2006–2008) twelve kilometers west of Beersheba revealed a late Iron Age I sanctuary that recalls the temple discovered at Tel Qasile Stratum X. Although only a small part of the material culture may be identified as Philistine, the excavators identify this site as Philistine and view it as an example of “the acculturation of the Philistines to local custom” (p. 853).
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Panitz-Cohen, Nava, and Amihai Mazar. Timnah (Tel Batash) III: The Finds from the Second Millenium BCE. Qedem 45. Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology, 2006.
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The final volume of the official excavation report of Timnah (Tel Batash) is dedicated to the finds from the 2nd millennium BCE, encompassing the Middle and Late Bronze periods and Iron Age I, during the latter of which this borderland site between Philistia and Judah was, based on the material culture, presumably under Philistine hegemony.
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Society
Archaeological and textual evidence provide the raw material for the attempt to understand the cultural processes that affected the Philistines. The studies listed here all try in some way to understand the dynamics of Philistine culture. For Faust 2006, the Philistines provide the foil against which Israelite society took shape, while Killebrew 2005 is more concerned with understanding the ethnicity of Philistine society. Stone 1995 looks at the terminology employed in describing the processes of change that the Philistines underwent in their somewhat more than half a millennium of existence. While Stone suggests that they “acculturated” themselves, more recently, other terms (such as “creolization”) have also been employed in the attempt to find just the right linguistic nuance to describe the cultural processes the Philistines underwent during their nearly six hundred years of existence in southwestern Canaan. Ben-Shlomo 2006 argues for significant non-Philistine influence in early Philistine administration. Finally, Hesse 1986 uses animal remains to draw conclusions about Philistine versus Canaanite/Israelite ethnicity, some aspects of which are called into question in Maeir, et al. 2013, which argues that Philistine culture and identity were much more complex and varied than previously assumed (see also Kolska Horwitz, et al. 2017), and in Sapir-Hen, et al. 2013, which argues that pig bones are not to be used to distinguish Israel from Philistine identity but to divide a Judean from an Israelite one.
Ben-Shlomo, David. “New Evidence of Seals and Sealings from Philistia.” Tel Aviv 33 (2006): 134–162.
DOI: 10.1179/033443506787924537Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Drawing mainly on previously unpublished seals and seal impressions from Tel Miqne-Ekron, Ben-Shlomo argues on the basis of their iconography that the early Philistines adopted Canaanite and Egyptian administrative and political structures and may have employed non-Philistines to run their administration.
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Faust, Avraham. Israel’s Ethnogenesis: Settlement, Interaction, Expansion and Resistance. Oakville, CT: Equinox, 2006.
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While this important book of anthropological archaeology is devoted to the origins of Israel, a major section (pp. 111–156) is devoted to Philistine/Israelite interaction in Iron Age I, which in the author’s opinion was a major influence on the formation of Israel as an ethnic group.
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Hesse, Brian. “Animal Use at Tel Miqne-Ekron in the Bronze Age and Iron Age.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 264 (1986): 17–27.
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Basing himself on the faunal remains, Hesse draws attention to a change in diet from a sheep- and goat-based diet to a cow- and pig-based one in the changeover from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. He associates this change in diet with the coming of the Philistines.
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Killebrew, Ann E. Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, Philistines, and Early Israel 1300–1100 B.C.E. SBL Archaeology and Biblical Studies 9. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005.
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Like Faust, Killebrew is an archaeologist with an anthropological focus. Her chapter on the Philistines (pp. 197–245) presents them as immigrant colonists from Cyprus (or perhaps Anatolia). The Philistine immigrants were not Mycenaeans fleeing disaster, but people from the eastern Mediterranean who deliberately colonized the Levant.
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Kolska Horwitz, Liora, Armelle Gardeisen, Aren M. Maeir, and Louise A. Hitchcock. “A Contribution to the Iron Age Philistine Pig Debate.” In The Wide Lens in Archaeology: Honoring Brian Hesse’s Contributions to Anthropological Archaeology. Edited by Justin Lev-Tov, Paula Hesse, and Allan Gilbert, 93–116. Archaeobiology 2. Atlanta: Lockwood, 2017.
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While accepting the argument in Hesse 1986 that pig consumption may be used in Iron Age I to distinguish Philistine from Israelite sites (but based on additional faunal remains), the authors also agree with Sapir-Hen, et al. 2013 that the later Iron Age saw the introduction of a taboo on pork consumption in Judah as a way to distinguish a Judean from an Israelite identity.
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Maeir, Aren M., Louise A. Hitchcock, and Liora Kolska Horowitz. “On the Constitution and Transformation of Philistine Identity.” Oxford Journal of Archaeology 32 (2013): 1–38.
DOI: 10.1111/ojoa.12000Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
An important survey of the development of many key indicators of Philistine culture with a view to demonstrate that this culture and its external interactions were much more complex than previously thought. In addition, the authors see no evidence that a putative conquest by Judah in the 9th century had any effect on changing Philistine material culture and ethnic identity.
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Sapir-Hen, Lidar, Guy Bar-Oz, Yuval Gadot, and Israel Finkelstein. “Pig Husbandry in Iron Age Israel and Judah: New Insights Regarding the Origin of the ‘Taboo.’” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 129 (2013): 1–21.
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This article argues against the use of pig bones to distinguish Israelite and Philistine ethnicities from one another. Rather, the authors argue that the taboo of pig consumption was a function of the need to distinguish southern Judean from northern Israelite identity, and hence a setting of inner-Israelite ethnic boundary markers.
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Stone, Bryan Jack. “The Philistines and Acculturation: Culture Change and Ethnic Continuity in the Iron Age.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 298 (1995): 7–35.
DOI: 10.2307/1357082Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Until the appearance of this article, it had been commonly assumed that the Philistines had “assimilated” to Canaanite culture. Stone argues that the Philistines did not disappear as a distinct culture, but “acculturated” themselves to Canaan, while retaining many distinctive cultural markers of their own.
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Religion
The Hebrew Bible presents a picture of Philistine religion that makes them appear as run-of-the-mill Levantine polytheists, who worshipped, in particular, the gods Dagon, Baal, and Astarte. However, archaeological finds have refined and clarified the biblical picture. Ehrlich 2006–2007 surveys the major textual and archaeological finds pertaining to Philistine religion and cult, concluding that the feminine played a larger role in their cult than is indicated in the biblical texts. Elkowicz 2012 concentrates on material remains and analyzes possible Philistine cult places and their associated finds. Gitin 1993 looks at 7th century BCE finds from Ekron that bear on the subject. Schäfer-Lichtenberger 2000 examines Philistine religion in light of a dedicatory inscription found at Ekron after the publication of Gitin 1993, which was erected by Ikausu (Achish), one of the rulers of Ekron around 700 BCE. Singer 1992 argues that the worship of the grain-god Dagon was not indigenous to Canaan but was picked up by the Philistines on their way to southern Canaan and replaced their original worship of a mother goddess, whom Singer tentatively identifies as the Anatolian goddess Kybele/Kybebe/Kubaba. Against this notion Yasur-Landau 2001 argues that the Ashdoda type of figurine represented the Philistine mother goddess whom he identifies with Aegean Gaia and, subsequently, Canaanite Asherah. Finally Uehlinger 2002, whose area of specialization is iconography, examines a relief from the palace of neo-Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III that presumably depicts a king of Gaza, whom Uehlinger identifies as Hanunu of Gaza, and images of his gods, when they submitted to Assyrian might in 734 BCE. If this interpretation is correct, this relief would be unique in its contemporaneous depiction of Philistine deities by non-Philistine artists.
Ehrlich, Carl S. “Philistine Religion: Text and Archaeology.” In Special Issue: Cyprus, the Sea Peoples and the Eastern Mediterranean: Regional Perspectives of Continuity and Change. Edited by Timothy P. Harrison. Scripta Mediterranea 27–28 (2006–2007): 33–52.
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The main thesis of this article is that there is a disconnect between the biblical depiction of the Philistine pantheon as a male-dominated one and the archaeological evidence, in which the divine feminine seems to play the major role in the Philistine cult.
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Elkowicz, Dominik. Tempel und Kultplätze der Philister und der Völker des Ostjordanlandes: Eine Untersuchung zur Bau- und zur Kultgeschichte während der Eisenzeit I–II. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 378. Münster, Germany: Ugarit-Verlag, 2012.
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An analysis of the “Temples and Cult-Places of the Philistines and the Peoples of Transjordan,” this volume is subtitled “An Investigation into Architectural and Cultic History during the Iron Age I-II.” Elkowicz examines cult places and their paraphernalia among the Philistines and other peoples surrounding Israel and Judah in order to come to conclusions regarding cult and cult practices.
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Gitin, Seymour. “Seventh Century B.C.E. Cultic Elements at Ekron.” In Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990: Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June–July 1990. Edited by A. Biran and J. Aviram, 248–259. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1993.
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A preliminary publication of 7th-century cultic elements from Tel Miqne-Ekron. This was one of the first publications that shed light on a period in Philistine religion that had until then been unknown. Among the objects considered are petaled chalices, dedicatory inscriptions, and horned altars.
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Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Christa. “The Goddess of Ekron and the Religious-Cultural Background of the Philistines.” Israel Exploration Journal 50 (2000): 82–91.
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An essay on the dedicatory inscription from Ikausu “to his lady” Ptgyh, who has not been identified to everyone’s satisfaction. Here Ptgyh is derived from a divinity known at Delphi. The author speculates that this is evidence (a) for the ultimate origin of the Philistines and (b) for the Philistines’ continued worship of a mother goddess.
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Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Christa. “PTGYH—Divine Anonyma? The Goddess of the Ekron Inscription.” Ugarit-Forschungen 46 (2015): 341–372.
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In this continuation and expansion of her earlier work on the topic, Schäfer-Lichtenberger defends her thesis that the enigmatic designation Ptgyh is a holdover of the Philistines’ original cult of Pythian Gaia.
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Singer, Itamar. “Towards the Image of Dagon, God of the Philistines.” Syria 69 (1992): 431–450.
DOI: 10.3406/syria.1992.7297Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
Claims that the Philistines adopted the worship of the male grain-god Dagon/Dagan because of the similarity of function between him and the Great Earth-Mother they had originally worshipped. However, since Dagon was not indigenous to Canaan, Singer speculates that the Philistines adopted him either while passing through Syria or later from the Phoenicians.
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Uehlinger, Christoph. “Hanun von Gaza und seine Gottheiten auf Orthostatenreliefs Tiglatpilesers III.” In Kein Land für sich allein: Studien zum Kulturkontakt in Kanaan, Israel/Palästina und Ebirnari für Manfred Weippert zum 65. Geburtstag. Edited by Ernst Axel Knauf and Ulrich Hübner, 92–125. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 186. Fribourg, Switzerland: Universitätsverlag, 2002.
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An attempt to identify a fragment of a relief from the palace of Tiglath-pileser III with an incident related in his inscriptions, namely the submission of Hanunu the king of Gaza to the Assyrian king. Depicted is the submission of Hanunu and of his gods, whose might has been broken by the might of Assyria and its gods.
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Yasur-Landau, Assaf. “The Mother(s) of All Philistines? Aegean Enthroned Deities of the 12th-11th Century Philistia.” In Potnia: Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age. Edited by Robert Laffineur and Robin Hägg, 329–343. Aegaeum 22. Liège, Belgium: Université de Liège, 2001.
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Argues that the Ashdoda type of figurine represents the Great Earth-Mother goddess sitting enthroned. He thus identifies her with Greek Gaia in her original imported Philistine form; Gaia was later identified with the local Canaanite goddess Asherah, who exhibits many of the same attributes and functions.
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Inscriptions and Epigraphy
Epigraphy is the study of scripts and writing, which is knowledge based on an analysis of inscriptions. There are a small number of inscriptions that have been found in Philistia but not all of them at Pentapolis sites or associated with the Philistines. The most important of these is the Ekron dedicatory inscription, which was first published in Gitin, et al. 1997. This interpretation is challenged in part in Demsky 1997, whose own interpretation is in turn taken to task in Schäfer-Lichtenberger 2000. Press 2012 is an attack on all of the above. Schäfer-Lichtenberger 2015 is a defense of its original interpretation in light of Press’s criticism. Presumably the oldest Philistine inscription is a short one presumably containing (fragments of) two names. It was published in Maeir, et al. 2008. Predating these important finds is Naveh 2009 (first published in 1985) and its attempt to survey all suspected Philistine inscriptions in one short essay. Maeir, et al. 2016 argues on the basis of a selection of Philistine inscriptional remains that the composition of the Philistine polity was more complex than many have assumed. Finally, Porten 1981 discusses a fragmentary Aramaic inscription written on papyrus that was found at Saqqara in Egypt and probably written by Adon, the king of Ekron, to the Egyptian pharaoh at the time of the Babylonian conquest of Nebuchadnezzar II, who brought an end to both Philistine civilization and the independent existence of the kingdom of Judah in a series of campaigns between 604 and 586 BCE. In the course of this article, Porten 1981 also presents a useful survey of Philistine history in the latter part of Iron Age II.
Demsky, Aaron. “The Name of the Goddess of Ekron: A New Reading.” Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society 25 (1997): 1–5.
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Proposes reading the name of the goddess to whom the Ekron inscription (see Gitin, et al. 1997) is dedicated as Ptnyh instead of Ptgyh. His conjecture has not found much support in the scholarly community (see Schäfer-Lichtenberger 2000).
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Gitin, Seymour, Trude Dothan, and Joseph Naveh. “A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron.” Israel Exploration Journal 47 (1997): 1–16.
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After presenting the archaeological context for the discovery of this five-line dedicatory inscription carved in stone, the rest of the article consists of a line-by-line reading and analysis of the inscription, which was placed in Temple Complex 650 by Ikausu (Achish), the ruler of Ekron around the year 700 BCE, and dedicated “to/for his lady/mistress [i.e., goddess] Ptgyh.”
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Maeir, Aren M., Brent David, and Louise A. Hitchcock. “Philistine Names and Terms Once Again: A Recent Perspective.” Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies 4.4 (2016): 321–340.
DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.4.4.0321Save Citation »Export Citation » Share Citation »
An article that looks at some of the inscriptional materials found at Philistine sites or attributed to the Philistines. The general conclusion is that these remains indicate that the cultural makeup and ethnic background of the Philistine polity were more complex than some have argued.
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Maeir, Aren M., Stefan J. Wimmer, Alexander Zuckerman, and Aaron Demsky. “A Late Iron Age I/Early Iron Age II Canaanite Inscription from Tell eṣ-Ṣâfī/Gath, Israel: Paleography, Dating, and Historical-Cultural Significance.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 351 (2008): 39–71.
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A discussion of a short inscription written on an ostracon (a broken piece of pottery used for writing) from the period of the crossover between Iron Age Ib and IIa. It contains what the authors assume are (fragments of) two names written in Phoenician script but evidencing an Aegean or Anatolian linguistic origin.
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Naveh, Joseph. “Writing and Scripts in Seventh Century B.C.E. Philistia: The New Evidence from Tel Jemmeh.” In Studies in West-Semitic Epigraphy: Selected Papers. By Joseph Naveh, 17–33. Jerusalem: Hebrew University Magnes Press, 2009.
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Attempts to survey all inscriptions attributed to the Philistines by the middle of the 1980s. These include three inscribed ostraca (potsherds with writing on them) from Tell Jemmeh, as well as another fourteen miscellaneous ostraca and seals from a total of nine other sites.
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Porten, Bezalel. “The Identity of King Adon.” Biblical Archaeologist 44 (1981): 36–52.
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The city of origin of this Aramaic letter from Saqqara was unknown until Porten discovered a Demotic (Egyptian cursive) notation on one of the folds that identifies the sender of the letter as the ruler of Ekron and, hence, a Philistine. Porten associates the circumstances of the letter’s appeal for help with the Babylonian conquests.
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Press, Michael D. “(Pytho)Gaia in Myth and Legend: The Goddess of the Ekron Inscription Revisited.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 365 (2012): 1–25.
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This is an attack on scholars who relate Ptgyh, the goddess of the Ekron Dedicatory Inscription, as well as the “Ashdoda” figurine, to a supposed Great Mother Goddess of the Aegean world. Press sees no evidence for the existence of the latter and is unsure about the linguistic and geographic origin of the former.
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Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Christa. “The Goddess of Ekron and the Religious-Cultural Background of the Philistines.” Israel Exploration Journal 50 (2000): 82–91.
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An essay on the dedicatory inscription from Ikausu “to his lady” Ptgyh, which takes exception specifically to Demsky 1997 reading of the name as Ptnyh. Schäfer-Lichtenberger understands the name as Pytogayah, a manifestation of the goddess Gaia as she was worshipped at Delphi.
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Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Christa. “PTGYH—Divine Anonyma? The Goddess of the Ekron Inscription.” Ugarit-Forschungen 46 (2015): 341–372.
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In this follow-up to her earlier essay on the topic (see Schäfer-Lichtenberger 2000), Schäfer-Lichtenberger mounts an extended defense of her interpretation of the name of the goddess mentioned in the Ekron dedicatory inscription against the criticisms of Press 2012. She remains by her conclusion that the enigmatic name Ptgyh is a holdover of the Mycenaean mother-goddess cult, reflective of the Philistine origins.
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